Author: Gavin Mortimer

  • Sébastien Lecornu’s resignation is a humiliation for France and Macron

    Sébastien Lecornu’s resignation is a humiliation for France and Macron

    In a sensational development, Sébastien Lecornu has resigned as prime minister of France. His departure, after 27 days in office, makes the 39-year-old the shortest reigning premier of the Fifth Republic. Lecornu’s resignation is a humiliation for him, for France and for Emmanuel Macron. The president has now worked his way through seven prime ministers in eight years, a Fifth Republic record he shares with Francois Mitterrand. He, however, presided over France for fourteen years.

    The catalyst for Lecornu’s departure was the new government he unveiled on Sunday evening. He has promised a “break” with Macron’s centrism, but when he announced his government it was anything but. Twelve of the eighteen ministers had been reappointed to their posts, and the response across the political spectrum was one of fury. Within hours the left and the right had promised to bring down the government at the earliest opportunity. They probably didn’t expect that Lecornu would do the job for them.

    Jordan Bardella, the president of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally, has demanded fresh elections. “There can be no return to stability without a return to the polls and without the dissolution of the National Assembly,” he said.

    For Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s far left La France Insoumise, the only route left for Macron is the exit. “The countdown has begun. Macron must go,” declared Mathilde Panot, one of the party’s leading figures.

    Even venerable centrists believe that the game is up for Macron. In an interview on Monday morning, prior to Lecornu’s shock announcement, one of the Republican party’s grandees Xavier Bertrand, castigated Macron for creating the “mess” and then “losing interest” in France.

    It is hard to gainsay that statement. Macron is rarely seen in France these days; if the people want to get a glimpse of their president they must switch on their televisions and watch him pontificating at the United Nations or hugging a minor world leader in some quiet corner of the globe.

    It explains why his approval rating is at 16 percent, and two thirds of the country want him to resign. Increasingly, that does appear the only way out of the quagmire into which Macron has led France.

    A few weeks ago, Bruno Retailleau, the leader of the Republicans and the minister of the interior, declared that “Macronism will end with Emmanuel Macron, simply because Macronism is neither a political movement nor an ideology: it is essentially based on one man.”

    He is right, but unfortunately for France this one man is as intransigent as he is inept. His presidency has destroyed and demoralized the country in so many ways – economically, socially, diplomatically and intellectually. But he refuses to accept responsibility for his actions.

    Xavier Betrand accuses Macron of “losing interest” in France. But did he have any in the first place? Macron is a narcissist; the presidency has always been about him. France is an afterthought. France is in agony, and the pain will only get worse as long as Macron is in power.

  • Why the French fear the far left

    Why the French fear the far left

    A caller to a French radio station on Monday morning said he supported Marine Le Pen’s National Rally. However, he added, he wouldn’t vote for them in an election. Why? asked the host. The man said he feared that if the National Rally came to power the far-left would turn France “into a real mess”.

    I have heard similar anxiety other middle-class French people who are tempted to vote for Le Pen’s party. They may not agree with her economic policies but they do share her concerns about mass immigration and insecurity.

    But what frightens them most is the far-left, which as a history of violence going back to 1789. In 2023 the constitutional historian Christophe Boutin explained that violent disorder “is in the DNA of a certain French left”. He blamed “the myth of the Revolution… and a Marxist doctrine according to which capitalism can only end in violent revolution.”

    This history accounts for the difference between the British and French far-left. The people being arrested at Palestine Action protests in London are predominantly middle-class, as are the members of Extinction Rebellion and Just Stop Oil, and the counter-protestors at demonstrations against migrant hotels.

    Some of today’s far-left in France are middle-class, getting their kicks from confrontations with the police. One such was Antonin Bernanos, who was jailed for his part in torching a police car during a protest in Paris in 2016. The 23-year-old Bernanos was the great grandson of the celebrated Catholic writer Georges Bernanos.

    But there are also many working-class extremists on the far-left in France. Three years ago a man who had stood as a National Rally candidate in the legislative election was attacked by a mob of far-left extremists in Bordeaux. Six of his assailants belonged to a notorious gang of hooligans who follow the city’s football club. Olympic Marseille also has a few thuggish far-left supporters, although as with Bordeaux they prefer the name “antiracist” to “hooligan”.

    The far-left in France is arguably the most organized of any western country. Two years ago a journalist called Anthony Cortes published a book about his time living undercover with a far-left organization. He dispelled the myth of spaced-out hippies and crusties. Today’s far left is a disciplined and determined mix of anti-fascists, Trotskyists, anti-capitalists, anarchists and eco-warriors.

    It is believed that the far-left sabotaged France’s rail network on the eve of last summer’s Paris Olympics. It was an audacious and well-planned guerrilla operation, for which no one has yet been brought to book.

    “Sabotage” was one of the words on the lips of Laurent Nuñez on Tuesday morning. In an interview the Paris police chief said his force were braced for “blockades” and “sabotage” on a day of protest on Wednesday billed as Bloquons tout (block everything).

    The protest movement was initially the inspiration of a small collective of white-collar Millennials whose rallying cry was “It’s Nicolas who pays”. Fed up with working hard only to be taxed to the hilt, these Millennials called for a day of protest on September 10.

    But it has since been hijacked by hard-left unions and Jean-Luc Melenchon’s far-left La France Insoumise. “We will block everything to get Mr Macron himself to leave,” Mélenchon said last week, adding that he wants a peaceful protest. “The anger is legitimate and deep-seated…the powerful need to see it and hear it.”

    Intelligence points to upwards of 100,000 protestors taking to the streets today, among whom will be violent elements from Antifa and Black Bloc. Around 80,000 gendarmes and police officers have been mobilized across the country, some to patrol the streets and others to guard what Nuñez described as “key areas of interest”. These include fuel depots, nuclear power plants, railway stations, airports and public transport. “We are expecting shock operations,” said Nuñez.

    One centre-right senator, Claude Malhuret, has warned that September 10 threatens to become a day of “absolute nihilism”. He pointed a finger at the far-left and accused them of “practically calling for riots”.

    No far-left politician has called for riots or violence of any description. But they have urged people to take to the streets in what they hope will be a show of force. It will underline that the left still “own” the streets in France. It was the case seven years ago during the Yellow Vest protests. What started as a peaceful howl of despair from the silent majority was soon hijacked by violent far-left agitators. They came to Paris not to protest against the cost of living crisis but to fight the police and pillage brand shops.

    So it is with today’s Block Everything protest. Most ordinary working- and middle-class people who were thinking of coming out to express their dissatisfaction with the political class will stay at home. Why run the risk of getting caught up in a riot?

    Indeed, why the run the risk of voting for Marine Le Pen when it will only provoke the far-left extremists?

  • What is Charles Kushner doing in Paris?

    What is Charles Kushner doing in Paris?

    When Charles Kushner took up his appointment as American ambassador to France this summer, his first official visit was to the Shoah Memorial in Paris. As a child of Holocaust survivors, he tweeted, “fighting anti-Semitism will be at the heart of my mission.” So it has proved. Last month, Kushner published a letter in the Wall Street Journal in which he accused Emmanuel Macron of insufficient action in the face of soaring anti-Semitism in the Republic.

    The ambassador was summoned for a dressing down. He didn’t attend as he was on vacation

    Kushner also castigated the French President for his imminent recognition of Palestinian statehood. “Public statements haranguing Israel and gestures toward recognition of a Palestinian state embolden extremists, fuel violence and endanger Jewish life in France,” wrote Kushner. “In today’s world, anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism – plain and simple.”

    The American criticism of Macron mirrors that of Benjamin Netanyahu. Last month, the Israeli Prime Minister claimed the decision to recognize Palestine “pours fuel on this anti-Semitism fire.” Macron described Netanyahu’s remarks as “abject.”

    Macron didn’t respond personally to Kushner’s criticism, but the ambassador was summoned to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs for a dressing down. Kushner didn’t attend, as he was on vacation. In his place he sent his chargé d’affaires. The magazine Paris Match described the move as “a deliberate diplomatic affront.”

    Paris said it regarded Kushner’s remarks as not only inaccurate but also undiplomatic, not being “commensurate with the quality of the transatlantic link between France and the United States and the trust that must result from it, between allies.” The ambassador’s criticism, it said, also contravened the 1961 Vienna Convention, which stipulates that diplomats are duty bound “not to interfere in the internal affairs of the state.”

    This convention was ignored in 2016 by France’s ambassador in Washington. In responding to Donald Trump’s victory over Hillary Clinton in the presidential election, Gérard Araud tweeted: “After Brexit and this election, anything is now possible. A world is collapsing before our eyes. Dizziness.” He later deleted the post.

    Araud returned to the attack in 2019 when he left Washington, declaring that Trump was a “whimsical, unpredictable, uninformed” President. The passage of time has not mellowed Araud. On learning last November that a re-elected Trump had nominated Kushner as ambassador to France, Araud tweeted: “I recommend reading his CV. ‘Juicy,’ as the Americans would say… Needless to say, he doesn’t know the first thing about our country… we console ourselves as best we can.”

    Araud was not alone in objecting to the appointment of Kushner, whose son Jared is married to Trump’s daughter Ivanka. The French media expressed surprise that a man who had spent a year in a federal prison for tax fraud (and was pardoned by Trump during his first term as President) was considered suitable for the post.

    The left-wing newspaper Le Monde wondered what exactly qualified Kushner to the post of ambassador, noting his response to the Senate when asked a similar question: “I don’t know much about French art or wine, but I understand business.”

    Democrats in America were also unimpressed by Kushner’s appointment. Severin Beliveau, a stalwart of the party in Maine and an honorary consul of France, penned a furious op-ed earlier this year explaining why Kushner should not be Uncle Sam’s man in Paris. “It is hard to find anything that qualifies Mr. Kushner for the appointment,” wrote Beliveau. “He is a convicted felon, has no diplomatic experience and can be expected to personalize the existing tensions between President Trump and the President of France.”

    Kushner, 71, does indeed have little to recommend him for the role. But the same applied to some of his predecessors in Paris. George W. Bush appointed Howard H. Leach as ambassador to France in 2001, a man whose area of expertise was food-processing. And in 2009, Barack Obama gave the job to Charles Rivkin, who had made his name as a producer of The Muppet Show. The appointment raised eyebrows in France, although it was noted that he had been one of Obama’s principal financial supporters during his presidential campaign.

    Despite his lack of diplomatic experience, Rivkin’s appointment was welcomed by the Paris elite, as mesmerized by Obama as the rest of Europe’s movers and shakers. “We couldn’t have dreamed of a better choice,” simpered Jean-David Levitte, the diplomatic advisor of president Nicolas Sarkozy. “Charlie Rivkin is the epitome of American professional success.”

    In attacking Charles Kushner, France is shooting the messenger. His criticism is not unfounded

    Once in Paris it became evident that Rivkin had one particular mission, which was to spread American-style identity politics into the suburbs. This soon came to the attention of the French press. Le Monde published an article in the summer of 2010 entitled “Washington conquers the 93” (93 is the administrative designation of the turbulent Seine-Saint-Denis département north of Paris).The paper described how Rivkin liked to visit these suburbs, sometimes with a famous face in tow, such as actor Samuel L. Jackson. According to Le Monde, “these symbolic and media junkets conceal the extent of the networking that has taken place in France in recent years to identify the elites of the neighborhoods and ethnic minorities.” Once they’d been identified, the American embassy invited these “elites” to Washington in order to “deepen their reflections on their subjects of interest.”

    The extent to which Rivkin was importing identity politics into France was exposed by WikiLeaks in 2010. On January 19 of that year, Rivkin sent a confidential report to Washington entitled “Minority Engagement Strategy.” “French institutions have not proven themselves flexible enough to adjust to an increasingly heterodox demography,” wrote Rivkin. One initiative was to work “with French museums and educators to reform the history curriculum taught in French schools, so that it takes into account the role and perspectives of minorities in French history.”

    This was clear interference, yet it raised barely a murmur in Paris. Not so the intervention of Kushner, which has caused outrage among the French elite. Jean-Noël Barrot, the minister of foreign affairs, described his criticism as “unjustifiable and unjustified… because it is not the place of a foreign representative to come and lecture France on how to govern its own country.”

    Someone has to, because Kushner is right: France is taking insufficient action to protect its 500,000 Jews. Macron’s political adversaries accuse him of abandoning the country’s Jewish population in order to pacify the violent minority within France’s large “Algerian diaspora.”

    In November 2023, Macron declined an invitation to attend a rally in solidarity with France’s Jews, who were already experiencing a surge in anti-Semitism. Allegedly he made his decision after he was warned from a Muslim advisor that his attendance might “give the neighborhoods cause to catch fire.”

    The following year, Macron vowed that France would be relentless in combating anti-Semitism, which he admitted had increased “in an absolutely inexplicable, inexcusable, and unacceptable manner.”

    In reality, the rise is eminently explicable. Once the preserve of the far right, French anti-Semitism is today most commonly found among the far left and their Islamist allies. Among the many recent anti-Semitic acts in France are the assault of a teenage boy as he left a synagogue in Lyon and the refusal of an adventure park to admit a party of Israeli children. There was also the chainsaw attack on an olive tree planted in memory of Ilan Halimi, a young Jewish man who was tortured to death in 2006 by an inner-city gang. Two Tunisian brothers have been charged with the desecration.

    Halimi’s sister says “no lessons have been learned” from her brother’s death. Increasingly she fears for her children’s safety in France and says she is thinking of emigrating to Israel. Macron, she says, is “doing nothing” to protect France’s Jews.

    In attacking Kushner, France is shooting the messenger. His criticism – supported by Washington – is not unfounded.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s September 15, 2025 World edition.

  • Macron must go

    This evening Emmanuel Macron will almost certainly be searching for his fifth prime minister since January last year. François Bayrou’s decision to call a vote of confidence in his government looks like a calamitous misjudgment, one that will plunge France into another period of grave instability. Comparisons are being drawn with the tumult of the Fourth Republic when, between 1946 and 1958, France went through more than 20 governments.

    Bayrou’s coalition government has limped along this year, achieving little other than creating more disenchantment and contempt among the long-suffering electorate. The French are fed up with their political class.

    Above all, they’re sick to the back teeth of their president. It was Emmanuel Macron’s decision to call a snap election in June 2024 that kickstarted the chaos. And to think he did it for “clarification.”

    An opinion poll last week reported that Macron’s approval rating has hit a record low: just 15 percent of the country think he is doing a good job. Who are these 15 percenters? How can any voter cast an eye over their crumbling country and conclude that France is in a better state economically and socially than it was in 2017?

    Across the political spectrum calls are growing for Macron to resign. From Marine Le Pen on the right to Jean-Luc Mélenchon on the left, and including veteran centrists such as Jean-François Copé, a minister in the government of Jacques Chirac. They believe the only way France can begin to rebuild is with a new president.  So do the majority of the people; a weekend opinion poll reported that 58 percent believe Macron should resign in the event Bayrou loses his vote.

    Were Macron a man of his word he would step down. In an exchange in 2019 with a group of intellectuals, he criticised previous presidents who stayed in their posts despite losing the confidence of voters in legislative elections. 

    The French are fed up with their political class

    “The president of the Republic should not be able to stay (in office) if he had a real disavowal in terms of a majority,” said Macron.

    The president’s parliamentary majority was slashed in the 2022 election when his party lost 105 seats. In last year’s snap election, they hemorrhaged a further 95.

    The president still struts around the international stage, exchanging hugs and handshakes with other equally inept European leaders. But outside Western Europe no one takes Macron seriously. Not Trump, not Xi, not Putin, not even Tunisia.

    Last week a Tunisian with a history of drug abuse and violence rampaged through Marseille, stabbing several people with a knife as he screamed “Allahu Akbar.” Police shot him dead. The Tunisian government is outraged, calling it “an unjustified killing” and demanding an investigation into the actions of the policemen.

    Authoritarian regimes issue such provocative statements because they know Macron won’t respond. Tunisia, like Algeria – which in the last 12 months have thrown a French journalist and a Franco-Algerian writer in jail – have no respect for the president of the Republic.

    With every day that Macron stays in office, France’s international standing drops another notch. But he insists that he won’t resign.

    In that case, what are the alternatives to France’s political impasse, assuming Bayrou does lose his vote of confidence this evening? Macron could dissolve parliament and call fresh elections, which is what Marine Le Pen wants. But then she would, knowing that the opinion polls put her National Rally party way in front of its rivals.

    Last week, former president Nicolas Sarkozy said that legislative elections were the “only solution.” He also legitimatized Le Pen, declaring that the “National Rally is a party that has the right to stand in elections… in my view, they belong to the Republican spectrum.”

    It’s going to be a week of extreme turbulence in France

    Last month Macron declared that fresh elections aren’t the answer. His preference is to cobble together a third coalition government. Having tried a center-right Premier (Michel Barnier) and a centrist in Bayrou, he’s said to be considering a prime minister from the left.

    The name on commentators lips is Olivier Faure, the leader of the Socialist Party. He and Macron know each other well, to the point of using the informal “tu” when addressing each other.

    You might consider it odd that Macron would turn to a Socialist. This is the party whose representation in parliament has nosedived from 331 seats in 2012 to 66 last year. Their presidential candidate in the 2022 election, Anne Hidalgo, polled 616,478 votes (1.7 percent), 200,000 fewer than the Communist candidate.

    Then again perhaps it isn’t surprising. Macron may have sold himself to the public as a centrist when he launched his En Marche! party a decade ago, but he is at heart a Socialist. He admitted it to a summit of business leaders in 2014, when as the Economy Minister in Francois Hollande’s government, he told his audience: “I am a Socialist… I stand by that.”

    In effect, France has been governed by a Socialist since 2012. Between them Hollande and Macron have led the Republic to rack and ruin. Now there is the prospect of a Socialist prime minister.

    Among the measures Faure has announced in the event he becomes PM are a reduction of the retirement age from 64 to 62 and the creation of a 2 percent tax on assets worth more than €100 million ($117 million).

    It’s going to be a week of extreme turbulence in France. There is the vote today in parliament and then on Wednesday the people will take to the streets in a protest movement called “Block Everything.”

    Do they really need to bother? France is already blocked, thanks to Emmanuel Macron.

  • The French are turning against the EU

    The French are turning against the EU

    When Donald Trump won a second term in the White House last November the response in Europe was one of barely disguised horror. “The European Union must stand close together and act in a united manner,” declared Germany’s Chancellor Olaf Scholz.

    Emmanuel Macron posted a message on X: “The question we, as Europeans, must ask ourselves is, are we ready to defend the interests of Europeans?” The president of France got his answer on Sunday evening. No. The trade deal agreed between Ursula von der Leyen, the EU Commission president, and Donald Trump has not gone down well in much of Europe.

    Scholz’s successor, Friedrich Merz forecast that Germany’s economy would suffer “significant” damage because of the deal. EU exports will have a tariff of 15 percent, which is superior to the customs duties before Trump’s re-election, but much lower than his threatened 30 percent tariff. Additionally, von der Leyen has promised the bloc will purchase energy worth $750 billion from the United States and make $600 billion in additional investments. According to Hungary’s Viktor Orban: “This is not an agreement… Donald Trump ate von der Leyen for breakfast.”

    The most strident criticism of the deal came from France, where in a rare display of unity the terms of the agreement were savaged across the political spectrum.

    Prime Minister Francois Bayrou said that “it is a dark day when an alliance of free peoples, united to assert their values and defend their interests, resigns itself to submission.”

    Trade minister Laurent Saint-Martin described the deal as unbalanced and said the government should not accept “what happened yesterday because that would be accepting that Europe is not an economic power.”

    It was telling that Saint-Martin said “Europe” and not “France.” For centrists like Saint-Martin – he was one of the first to join Macron’s fledging En Marcheparty in 2016 – France and the EU are indistinguishable.

    Macron’s predecessor (and mentor), Francois Hollande once accused him of “believing in nothing and having no conviction.” That is not true. Macron has one unshakeable conviction, and that is the EU.

    It is why he won’t let Brexit go, taking every opportunity to savage Britain’s decision to leave the bloc. Twice during his recent state visit he went on the attack. Britons were “sold a lie” over Brexit he said at one point, adding on another occasion that the country “was stronger when part of the EU.”

    As yet there has been no response the Elysee to von der Leyen’s trade deal. Perhaps Macron is still working out how best to spin the fact that Britain’s tariff rate with the USA is 10 percent.

    Marine Le Pen lost little time in pointing this out, posting on X that the EU “has obtained worse conditions than the United Kingdom.” The leader of the National Rally described the deal as “a political, economic and moral fiasco” and said that that “this form of globalization, which denies and destroys sovereignty, has been outdated for many years.”

    The majority of the French agree with her. In an interview with the BBC in 2018, Macron admitted that if given the choice his people would probably follow Britain out of the EU. This is one reason why he has been so determined to make life difficult for post-Brexit Britain: pour encourager les autres.

    Macron’s strategy has been partially successful. A poll last year revealed that 62 percent of the French are opposed to Frexit. The bad news for the president is that 69 percent of them have a bad opinion of the EU.

    The poll was conducted a month before the European elections, which resulted in a resounding victory for Le Pen’s Eurosceptic party and a humiliating defeat for Macron’s Europhile movement.

    When Le Pen reached the second round of the 2017 presidential election it was with a promise to quit the EU. Two years later she abandoned that position and vowed to reform the bloc from within. Her party won’t return to Frexit, but it will increase its Euroskepticism between now and the 2027 election. The same goes for the hard-left’s Jean-Luc Melenchon, who loathes Brussels as much as Le Pen. Bruno Retailleau, the leader of the center-right Republicans, is also a long-standing critic of the EU’s ambition and voted against the EU Constitution in France’s 2005 referendum. That result, he said in a 2020 interview, along with Brexit, “have shown one and the same thing: Europeans do not want a federal Europe.”

    Across France, enmity towards the EU has strengthened in the last year. The Mercosur trade deal agreed with South America in December is widely unpopular and France’s failure to control its borders is blamed on Brussels.

    The French are demoralized and angrier than ever with their ruling elite. A citizens’ collective called “Bloquons tout!” (Block everything) is using social media to mobilize people for a day of protest on September 10. “Boycott, disobedience, and solidarity” is their rallying cry and they are urging people to take to the streets across France.

    Will it achieve anything? Probably not. After all, what’s the point of protesting in Paris when all the big decisions about France’s future are made in Brussels.