Author: Joseph Moreno

  • Is Antifa a terrorist organization?

    Is Antifa a terrorist organization?

    One side of the political aisle can only accuse the other of “fascism” so many times before a young, impressionable person subsumed within a social-media echo chamber takes matters into his own hands. This seems to be exactly what transpired in the case of Tyler Robinson: bullet shell casings found at the scene of Charlie Kirk’s assassination were reportedly etched with the words “Hey fascist! Catch!” Robinson seems to have been influenced by Antifa or Antifa-adjacent ideology. In response to the killing, Congress and commentators have renewed calls to designate Antifa a domestic terrorist organization. But this would have little effect.

    Antifa is a collaboration of autonomous cells with the ostensible goal of opposing fascism and racism. Described by former FBI Director Christopher Wray as “more of an ideology than an organization,” the group and its nodes operate secretly and communicate via dark-web platforms. And while Antifa has adherents around the world, it appears to be based primarily in the US. It is this lack of formal structure and domestic status that makes dealing with Antifa such a challenge.

    Formal designation as a terrorist organization is intended for foreign actors, such as Hamas, Hezbollah and ISIS. It provides for jurisdiction over entities located outside the US, allowing for freezing their assets and barring members from entering the country. It also provides intelligence agencies the go-ahead to conduct surveillance of such groups overseas, without the constitutional guardrails that protect the privacy rights of American citizens.

    As a domestic movement, Antifa cells and individuals are already subject to federal and state laws criminalizing intimidation, violence and other forms of terrorist activities. Existing federal law also prohibits providing material support such as money and other resources to entities that engage in terrorism. Applying a formal terrorist label to Antifa may grab headlines but provides no new tools for confronting the problem.

    There is the question whether designation would enable the surveillance of domestic actors without obtaining a traditional search warrant. In theory, this could help authorities more quickly monitor Antifa members with fewer judicial impediments. But one can easily see how such power could be abused to spy on American citizens. This would strip Americans the due process guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Once this guardrail goes, it’s hard to see it ever being erected again.

    This is not to say that nothing more can be done. The FBI and other law-enforcement groups should put more energy and resources into locating and infiltrating Antifa cells. They should be looking for money trails moving to these groups to fund violent attacks. They should be online to find Antifa working groups on the dark web. The real work will be in funding and staffing resources, making sure federal and state law enforcement and intelligence assets are working together, and bringing aggressive prosecutions against individuals who identify with the movement.

    From a political perspective, the push must be to quarantine Antifa-affiliated groups from social-media platforms. And young Americans must be taught to recognize the toxic nature of the group’s propaganda. While vigorous law enforcement will be essential in the short-term, the war against Antifa is a long one much more about shining a spotlight on this vile and destructive ideology.

    In the aftermath of a national tragedy, there is always an impulse by our leaders to show they are doing something to address the issue. But designating Antifa a terrorist organization is nothing more than low-hanging fruit. The real work lies in toning down the rhetoric and getting young people off the internet.

  • The last breath of Trump lawfare

    The last breath of Trump lawfare

    One of the outcomes of November’s election is that Americans can once again trust their own eyes and call out the obvious when they see it.

    President Biden long ago lost the mental acuity to serve as the nation’s chief executive. Progressive causes like climate change, diversity hiring and transgender men participating in women’s sports are ridiculous. And highly dubious prosecutions seemingly launched as political weapons are exactly what they appear to be.

    In a Friday morning double-header Americans witnessed in real time the crumbling of the last two vestiges of the lawfare campaign against former and future president Donald Trump. What were once touted as a dream of the left to bring down a king will at best be reduced to obscure footnotes in the annals of history.

    Up in New York City, a left-wing trial judge finally closed the curtain on a performance that should never have seen an opening act. Despite his constant echoing of the prosecution’s case that Trump effectively stole the 2016 election, Judge Juan Merchan sentenced him to a proverbial slap on the wrist in the form of an unconditional discharge. And Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg — whose office most recently beclowned itself with its prosecution of Daniel Penny that even a New York City jury could not stomach — did his best to put a brave face on the most epic abuse of prosecutorial discretion in American history.

    When his fellow Democrat, New York attorney general Letitia James, brought a headline-grabbing civil action against Trump and the Trump Organization, the George Soros-supported Bragg knew he had to do something to catch up. The problem was that all Bragg had to work with was a set of facts regarding Trump’s out-of-pocket non-disclosure payments to Stormy Daniels in 2016 that federal prosecutors, Bragg’s predecessor district attorney and even Bragg himself had previously concluded lacked a basis for prosecution.

    Yet Bragg nonetheless cobbled together a legal theory so convoluted it required every effort of a complicit judge to keep it alive. He concocted a felony law violation by patching together alleged state-law misdemeanor offenses with a purported federal campaign finance violation (which the Federal Election Commission and federal prosecutors in the Southern District of New York had already reviewed and passed on).

    It gets even better. The alleged federal election law violations — which was premised on a completely legal set of payments to Daniels that nonetheless Bragg claimed were undeclared self-contribution campaign donations — were not even reportable until 2017. So even if you buy the argument that these legal payments were illegal campaign contributions — an argument which by the way has never before been advanced — there was no way they would have impacted the 2016 election.

    And then there was the allowance of privileged testimony from Trump’s former attorney, Michael Cohen. Then there was testimony from Hope Hicks about discussions with Trump after he took office, all of which the Supreme Court held to be immune and therefore inadmissible in court.

    Despite all these glaring errors Judge Merchan supported the prosecution every step of the way. And despite the fact the case will be reversed on appeal — and it most certainly will — Merchan has made a name for himself far more than any run of the mill Manhattan trial judge ever could.

    While all this was happening up north, the Biden Justice Department and outgoing special counsel Jack Smith reached a sympathetic audience with the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta.

    Despite his federal cases being shut down by Trump’s re-election, Smith has been petitioning to have the contents of his multi-year investigation released publicly. How would a typical American react if he or she were investigated by police, and despite no charges being brought the contents of the investigation were nonetheless made public? This grotesque abuse of due process is Smith’s final card to play, and it will now be up to the Supreme Court to determine if he gets to further besmirch Trump days before he takes office.

    There is an upside to all this. While over the past four years the country has witnessed how the legal system can be manipulated for politics, November’s election showed that the voters finally had enough. The legal crusade against the once and future president backfired so spectacularly that instead of landing him in prison it paved Trump’s way right back to Washington, DC. And the next time progressive prosecutors bring ridiculous cases against their political enemies, Americans will see it coming.

  • Jack Smith’s crusade ends with a whimper

    Jack Smith’s crusade ends with a whimper

    What a waste. As Special Counsel Jack Smith had his 2020 election charges against President-elect Trump dismissed by Justice Tanya Chutkan, any amusement derived from the fact Smith and his merry band of anti-Trumpers just spent two years spinning their wheels is belied by the damage caused by his travesty.

    It is not only the tens of millions of taxpayer dollars squandered. It is not only thousands of misused hours of investigators and prosecutors who should have been pursuing violent crimes, drug and human trafficking and terrorism cases. It is not only countless time spent clogging the dockets of courts in Florida and Washington, DC, which should have been used for legitimate cases.

    The travesty here is the fact that, after 200 years of respecting the legal process, our nation has now crossed the precipice of using the legal system to persecute political enemies. The temptation will now always exist to do it again.

    Americans did not need to be white-shoe Washington attorneys to sense things were awry. The deference they were told to give to these elite prosecutors and law enforcement officials — supplemented by non-stop legal talking heads on the usual networks — could not overcome the sense that the system was being seriously abused.

    Maybe one methodical investigation and indictment could have been argued with a straight face. But not two, in two jurisdictions, which candidate Donald Trump was expected to defend simultaneously. And not coupled with a transparently flimsy pile-on of state criminal and civil cases in New York and Fulton County. And not alongside a nonsensical effort in Colorado to have Trump kicked off the ballot on Fourteenth Amendment grounds, which was rightfully rejected by a unanimous Supreme Court.

    And the icing on the cake? A president and attorney general hiding behind Smith’s special counsel designation to avoid looking the public in the eye and explaining why these cases were so critical to pursue.

    If President Biden had any integrity he would have explained to the American people why these cases were so serious they needed to be brought against his political opponent in the heat of a re-election campaign, and why Justice Department policy needed to be disregarded so they could be rushed to trial by Election Day. The hysteria was fueled for years such that by election season claims that Trump was the embodiment of Adolf Hitler-style fascism had become commonplace. It was predicted that if reelected Trump would imprison his political foes, destroy the media, round up minorities into concentration camps and shred what remained of the Constitution.

    His illegal takedown of a Virginia governor overturned by the Supreme Court, and his anti-Trump lawfare campaign now rejected by the American public, Smith will be relegated to the dustbin of history. The firestorm he wrought must never happen again.

  • How the lawfare campaign against Trump backfired

    How the lawfare campaign against Trump backfired

    The effort to bankrupt, disgrace and banish Donald J. Trump to a jail cell in Riker’s Island has instead helped pave his road right back to the Oval Office. The unprecedented abuse of the American legal system fueled plenty of cable news coverage, but it also alienated the electorate. As with President Joe Biden’s mental decline, voters trusted their own eyes over the tale being told on their screens and delivered a decisive verdict against an eight-year politically-motivated lawfare campaign — exit polls showed that Trump voters were more likely to say democracy was under threat.

    It is worth recapping these efforts in full: Trump had just assumed the presidency in 2017 when former FBI director Robert Mueller and his elite group of DC lawyers began their probe into whether he was a Russian plant. For two years the American public received breathless reporting from the likes of CNN and MSNBC of leaked stories treated as fact. Television analysts and purportedly knowledgeable insiders told us these were real concerns that should keep us up at night. No pushback was countenanced because such an extreme national security threat being run by serious public servants could never be a hoax, right?

    Then it all collapsed. Rather than holding anyone accountable, Trump’s opponents moved on to ever more elaborate jurisprudential gymnastics to get their man.

    New York amended its laws to allow E. Jean Carroll to sue Trump over thirty-year-old allegations of sexual impropriety with only fragments of supporting evidence. A Democratic-controlled Congress impeached Trump, first for a Ukraine-related infraction that impressed few, a second time for the January 6 riots. Then they produced a year-long, taxpayer-funded television show again revisiting January 6. New York State attorney general Letitia James — who campaigned on finding something to pursue Trump for — brought an unprecedented civil fraud action in a case lacking a fraud victim.

    All of that was just the warm-up for the main event. The Justice Department appointed another supposedly elite prosecutor, Jack Smith, to find federal charges to bring against Trump. Joe Biden — ever a profile in courage — used Smith as both a sword and shield. His purportedly serious special counsel title made it sound like his crusade was legitimate; his supposed independence allowed Biden not to have to take ownership of or explain why prosecuting his chief political opponent was legitimate.

    Not to be outdone by James or beaten to the punch by Smith, New York City district attorney Alvin Bragg dusted off a six-year-old case regarding porn star Stormy Daniels that even his predecessor had previously discarded. A hostile Manhattan jury and a hyperaggressive trial judge ended up with thirty-four guilty verdicts. The press could not contain its glee; now they could add “convicted felon” to Trump’s list of monikers.

    Then came racketeering charges by Fulton County DA Fani Willis, which quickly fell into a tailspin due to her own self-inflicted incompetence. And then Smith brought federal indictments in Florida and Washington, DC. Everybody was getting in on the action.

    It was obvious these cases ranged from weak to nonsensical, but supposed legal experts assured Americans they were legitimate. The hypocrisy of charging Trump for classified-document mishandling while Joe Biden and Hillary Clinton received a pass for their own transgressions was obvious, but we were told Trump’s case was different in scale. And somehow Trump’s cases rocketed through the docket just in time for the 2024 election.

    Democratic strategists may have seen an opportunity, but voters saw all of these proceedings for what they were: rabid prosecutors making names for themselves; hack TV commentators assuring us these cases were authentic; judges making decisions and allowing convictions full of glaring legal errors that wouldn’t be corrected until after Election Day. Americans did not need to be white-shoe attorneys or legal academics to know that what they were seeing was grossly corrupt.

    Trump now has the opportunity to rise above it all and move forward. But should he? After what the man faced, he could rain down the same firestorm on his adversaries that they unleashed on him. Trump could tear up the Robert Hur report and charge Joe Biden with mishandling classified information. He could sic his Justice Department on the Biden family and investigate them into oblivion. He could fire not only Jack Smith but the career attorneys and agents who spent the last three years persecuting him. Which may be why the Department of Justice signaled it was “winding down” the Smith investigations within hours of Trump’s victory.

    None of this is likely to happen, just as Trump declined to pursue Hillary Clinton’s classified document misdeeds back in 2017. But make no mistake: despite all the backfires, anti-Trump prosecutors have learned nothing from this sordid history and will doubtless repeat it once back in power. Letitia James has already vowed to continue the fight. Fani Willis was just re-elected and doubtless will keep her case alive.

    It will be up to Americans to remember this sordid and grotesque misuse of our legal system and say: never again.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s December 2024 World edition.

  • Biden’s election year assault on the Supreme Court

    Biden’s election year assault on the Supreme Court

    You’ve got to hand it to President Biden — even in his diminished state he still has a few tricks up his sleeve.

    You might think that as our octogenarian commander-in-chief is dragged kicking and screaming from office, amid the ignominious fumes of family influence-peddling no less, the last things he would shine a spotlight on are judicial term limits and ethics rules. But in fact his latest attack on the Supreme Court is the next logical battle in a war Biden launched decades ago and which Vice President Harris now plans to fully embrace and run with.

    What is being peddled as judicial “reform” is in fact the left’s continued effort to seize the remaining branch of government that has slipped from its grasp. With a working conservative majority for the first time since the 1950s, the Democrats’ mission to control the Court has now become a top priority.

    For most of the past century, the Court was dominated by liberal justices eager to legislate from the bench. From abortion to criminal justice to the interpretation of the Commerce Clause, a new generation of progressives managed to elicit rights and bestow powers that appeared nowhere in any sensible reading of the Constitution. From these rulings sprung an expansion of powers that would render today’s federal government unrecognizable from the limited system envisioned by our nation’s Founders.

    Rather than counter this trend, nominally conservative Republicans instead contributed to it. Chief Justice Earl Warren, who came to be known as the embodiment of progressive judicial philosophy, was nominated by President Eisenhower. Justice Harry Blackmun, a Nixon nominee, authored the Court’s opinion in Roe v. Wade. It was not until President Reagan, advised by Attorney General Ed Meese, that conservatives smartened up and began identifying nominees committed to applying an originalist constitutional framework to their rulings.

    And that is when the junior US senator from Delaware saw his opportunity and pounced. From his perch as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Biden successfully derailed the 1987 nomination of Robert Bork, playing on scare tactics about back-alley abortions and returns to racial segregation. Four years later, Biden honed his “borking” skills on Bush nominee Clarence Thomas whose confirmation he nearly prevented by playing up stale and unsubstantiated harassment claims.

    You would think following that one-two punch conservatives would come better prepared for a fight. But when the roles were reversed a Republican-controlled Senate rubber-stamped President Clinton’s two Supreme Court picks (Justices Ginsburg and Breyer), and provided ample support for super-majority confirmations of the two Obama-Biden administration nominees (Justices Sotomayor and Kagan).

    Things really started getting nasty under the Trump administration, whose three nominees squeaked by despite near-unanimous Democratic opposition. The Brett Kavanaugh confirmation hearing was a particular travesty in which Democrats resurrected nonsensical claims from four decades past in an attempt to destroy the nominee. A few years later the Dobbs decision is leaked in an attempt to intimidate Justices from overturning Roe. The Democrats’ latest gambit is circulating baseless accusations about personal relationships and flag flying against Justices Thomas and Alito.

    Are we seeing a pattern here?

    Don’t let Biden’s good government claims fool you — it is the left’s latest attempt to recapture the only branch of government now outside its reach. The term limit proposal is unconstitutional court-packing in disguise, designed to reshape the Court by immediately bumping Justices Thomas, Roberts and Alito from the bench. A Congressionally-enacted ethics code is a separation of powers violation wherein one branch of government impedes on another. And reversing the Court’s immunity ruling in United States v. Trump would usher in an era of lawfare that would make the current environment pale in comparison.

    Biden’s reforms would require at a minimum Congressional action and more likely a constitutional amendment. While neither have any chance of passing today, it is only a matter of time before Democrats control both the White House and Congress and try to ram them through. Republicans shrug off these antics as election year politics at their peril. It would be much wiser to take them seriously and start fighting back.

  • Classified documents case comes crashing down

    Classified documents case comes crashing down

    To call Jack Smith an aggressive prosecutor is an understatement.

    Smith’s crusade against former president Donald Trump has been nothing less than scorched earth, with a shamelessly transparent goal of doing all he can to stop Trump’s re-election in November. By dismissing Smith’s classified documents prosecution in Florida, District Judge Aileen Cannon’s ruling has not so much clipped Smith’s wings as it has tossed him from the nest altogether. And her decision throws both prosecutions into a tailspin from which they may never recover.

    For two years Attorney General Merrick Garland has been insisting that Smith is operating with complete freedom and discretion, walled off from Justice Department oversight and political pressure from the White House. The problem is that, under the Appointments Clause of the Constitution, such an independent “officer of the United States” must be either appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate or acting pursuant to a specific statute passed by Congress. Smith fails under either standard.

    So, while Garland is free to name any lawyer with a valid bar license to be a federal prosecutor, that prosecutor must report to someone properly installed by law. David Weiss, the US attorney in Delaware who is prosecuting Hunter Biden, passes this test. Jack Smith does not.

    At this point none of Smith’s options are good ones. He can appeal Judge Cannon’s ruling to the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals, which will blow through any hope of bringing the case to trial any time soon. And, based on Justice Clarence Thomas’s concurring opinion in the Supreme Court’s recent immunity ruling, it’s a safe bet that the high court will affirm Cannon’s decision.

    The Justice Department can transition the case to a duly appointed United States an attorney and re-file the charges. But that will also take time and leave Smith limping away from two years of spinning his wheels. And good luck finding a Senate-confirmed prosecutor willing to pick up this old dog and brush off its fleas. Cases do not get better with age, and if Trump wins in November both of Smith’s case are dead in their tracks regardless.

    The left will no doubt scream about Cannon being a right-wing judge intent on delaying and dismissing the case to protect Trump. But the fact is Smith is the victim of his own ambition. He could have brought a simple obstruction of justice case in Florida which could have been wrapped up in two weeks. Instead he insisted on charging thrity-one counts under the Espionage Act. Not only did this prolong the case as does any matter involving national defense litigation, it screamed of hypocrisy in the face of President Biden’s own mishandling of classified document.

    So where do things go from here? Judge Tonya Chutkan who presides over Smith’s January 6 case has been hostile to Trump from the get-go. She could ignore Cannon’s ruling and press on, but that runs the risk of the case getting to the Supreme Court with the same result. And with the Court’s recent ruling on immunity that case is stuck in its tracks anyway for the foreseeable future.

    If President Biden is serious about lowering the national temperature, he would order Smith to stand down in Florida and dismiss the case in Washington, DC. The president could project the image of a magnanimous elder statement, while still leaving Trump with state court exposure in New York and Fulton County. Judge Cannon has provided Biden with an off-ramp to end Smith’s two-year lawfare campaign against Trump. Now let’s see if he’s smart enough to take it.

  • The injustice of lawfare against Trump

    The injustice of lawfare against Trump

    According to President Biden, not since the Civil War has American freedom and democracy been so under assault. In his State of the Union address, Biden characterized January 6 as a day when “insurrectionists stormed this very Capitol and placed a dagger at the throat of American democracy.” With this kind of rhetoric emanating from the White House, it is no wonder a good portion of the country believes that any use of the legal system is justified to protect us from a second Donald Trump administration. 

    Except… that is not how the law works. By stretching their prosecutorial powers to the breaking point, Democrats are perverting the very system they are claiming to protect. 

    Take the charade in New York. Democratic attorney general Letitia James and Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg are prosecuting what are at best misdemeanor transgressions for the purpose of annihilating Trump and the Trump Organization. In applying for the first time ever a civil fraud law in a case with no fraud victims, James obtained the eye-watering fine of $354 million. (The bond has since been cut to $175 million.) And her crusade is working — Trump has apparently reached out to dozens of insurers, none of whom are prepared to provide him bond while the judgment is under appeal. 

    Not to be outdone, Bragg is seeking to imprison Trump for an alleged $130,000 of inaccurate accounting entries. His prosecution theory is so laughable even leftist legal analysts struggle to defend it with a straight face. 

    And yet, with the assistance of elected Democratic justices Arthur Engoron and Juan Merchan, respectively, Trump never stood a chance. James’s civil award will take years to wind through the appellate process before he receives relief. And any criminal conviction of Trump by a New York jury will be trumpeted by Bragg in the short term despite the fact it will be likely overturned in time. But by that point the short-term damage — which is the real point of the prosecution — will have been done. 

    Then you have the farce of a racketeering case that is disintegrating before our eyes due to the astonishing incompetence of Democratic district attorney Fani Willis. Even before her absurd ethics violations came to light, it was clear Willis was misusing a law generally reserved for mafia families to prosecute a series of unrelated conspiracies, many of which do not even constitute felony crimes. Once again, future correction of this miscarriage of justice will be of little help if a Fulton Country jury decides to convict Trump of any of the farcical charges he is facing. 

    Then you have Merrick Garland’s pit-bull, special counsel Jack Smith, who is doing absolutely anything he can to try and convict Trump before this year’s election. Smith spent years investigating the January 6 events and then launched his indictment just in time for a 2024 trial. The problem for Smith, however, is that he lacks the basis to charge Trump with insurrection and instead patched together a combination of obstruction, fraud and civil rights laws to support his case. There remains a good chance that most or all of Smith’s January 6 case will crumble under Supreme Court scrutiny — but he’s going full-throttle nonetheless. 

    Then of course there is the Mar-a-Lago classified documents case — the only one in the mix which appears premised on solid legal footing. The problem, of course, is that it screams hypocrisy when you consider that Biden appears to be a habitual offender over his forty-plus years in elected office by hoarding classified materials in six locations among his homes and offices. It is also hard to square Smith’s efforts to lock up Trump when Hillary Clinton each received a pass for similar conduct. 

    And what about the Justice Department’s bar on bringing cases in the lead-up to an election? After skirting the issue for months, Smith’s team finally acknowledged they do not plan to respect the long-standing policy because everyone already knows that candidate Trump is facing federal charge. Got that? Smith charged Trump knowing darn well it would blemish him as a presidential candidate, then uses that as justification to double-tap Trump to ensure maximum damage before the election. 

    Together with the nonsensical effort to bar Trump under the Fourteenth Amendment, which was rightfully struck down by a unanimous Supreme Court, that’s six efforts to imprison and bankrupt Trump all timed to prevent him from being elected. For years we have known that Donald Trump’s behavior is clownish, morally questionable and arguably skirts the law. But the turrets of legal weaponry were only pivoted in his direction when it became clear he remained a political force to be reckoned with. 

    Biden and the Democrats will no doubt amplify their civil war-esque hysteria to a fever pitch in the coming months. They would have us believe that the greatest nation in history cannot withstand a second term of a seventy-seven-year-old buffoon from Queens. But even if you feel in your bones that Trump is Evil Incarnate, that does not justify weaponizing the legal system to do the job that is rightfully entrusted with the American voter. 

  • Biden’s absurd student loan ‘solution’

    Biden’s absurd student loan ‘solution’

    You’ve got to hand it to President Biden — when he puts his mind to something he doesn’t let mere semantics like the rule of law stop him. Despite an earlier Supreme Court slap down, “Middle Class Joe” provided an upper-class gift to some 150,000 college graduates in the form of $1.2 billion in student loan forgiveness. That brings total educational loan forgiveness under this White House to $137 billion effectuated by nothing more than a stroke of Biden’s pen via executive order. Biden openly boasted of his defiance, all but inviting the justices to try to stop his patronage gambit.

    It’s not that anyone can blame him, because it’s a political win-win for the White House.

    There are no banks complaining, because once the Obama administration nationalized the student loan industry, the federal government took over the role of lender. The education industry is happy because with minimal borrowing limits and the ever-present promise of future student relief, they have no reason to control costs that have been climbing for decades. American taxpayers may grumble initially, but will likely lose interest because it will not hit their pocketbooks directly. These student loan write-offs will be piled atop the nation’s gargantuan national debt, which at this point has broached $34 trillion with no end in sight.

    But is any of this legal? Constitutional Law 101 taught us that the power of the purse belongs to Congress. Biden is not only obliterating the separation of power between the legislative and executive branches of government, he is abusing his limited statutory authority and essentially daring the judiciary to step in again and stop him.

    Biden’s previous effort to wipe out massive student loan debt relied on the HEROES Act, a 2003 law enacted in the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks designed to aid borrowers in times of war or national emergencies. By invoking the law on the premise of Covid-19, Biden claimed unchecked authority to cancel nearly half a trillion dollars in loans for another 40 million borrowers regardless of any showing of financial harms caused by the pandemic. Not surprisingly, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority in Biden v. Nebraska rejected this position, which in the words of Chief Justice John Roberts constituted an “exhaustive rewriting of the statute” by the Department of Education.

    Not one to be deterred by the law or common sense, Biden is now charging ahead with a new cancellation effort he terms the “Saving on a Valuable Education” (SAVE) program estimated to cost a total of $500 billion. This time he is invoking the Higher Education Act as the basis for absolving debt based on income levels. Education secretary Miguel Cardona claims the initiative is meant to address the root cause of this student loan issue which is that “the cost of college is out of control.” But it is hard to comprehend how additional loan cancellation reduces higher education costs, when in fact it only incentivizes colleges to increase tuition levels and students to assume higher debt levels. Biden put it more bluntly in his announcement: “The Supreme Court blocked it. But that didn’t stop me.”

    And where is Congress’s effort to stop any of this? Earlier in our nation’s history, the legislative branch would assert itself and push back against executive abuses regardless of partisan loyalties. Yet, despite former House speaker Nancy Pelosi’s moment of candor in which she conceded that the president lacks the power of debt forgiveness, today’s Congressional Democrats remain mum.

    Joe Biden may market himself to blue-collar voters, but his actions betray where his loyalties reside. These student loan bailouts are nothing more than a lawless sop to the upper class who will vote for and contribute to the Biden campaign. Meanwhile, they do nothing for struggling Americans and drive up the national debt for future generations to grapple with.

    If Congress will not step up to assert its legislative authority, let’s hope the Supreme Court again wades in. Otherwise these executive overreaches will only continue, and when power ultimately changes Democrats will rue the day they failed to keep their coequal branch in check.

  • The ruling against Trump is perverse in true New York fashion 

    The ruling against Trump is perverse in true New York fashion 

    While Donald Trump’s excessive rhetoric often evokes eye rolls, in the case of Friday’s record-setting $350 million judgment against the Trump Organization, he is spot on. “Disgraceful.” “Lawfare.” “Banana republic.” All three apply. 

    It’s hard to imagine a more perverse and vindictive misuse of the justice system than that which New York attorney general Letitia James has committed. While campaigning in 2018, James promised to vigorously investigate Trump and his business. True to her word, once in the office James spent three years seizing and scouring through Trump’s tax and financial records for anything she could use as the basis for legal action. Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg — no Trump fan, he — reviewed the evidence and declined criminal prosecution, but James forged ahead and ultimately brought a civil fraud action against the Trump Organization, despite the lack of a single fraud victim. 

    Abetted by the clownish Judge Arthur Engoron, the two elected Democrats tag-teamed to ensure Trump never had a chance. Engoron, who declared the Trump Organization liable before the trial even began, could not even be bothered to pretend he was a neutral jurist. His eye-rolling and whispering with his clerk throughout the bench trial left little doubt he planned to award the attorney general what she asked for — even if she could not decide herself. The proposed amount was an arbitrary moving target, wherein her initial ask for $250 million somehow increased during the trial by another $120 million. 

    With no victims to be made whole or other damages to be shown, Engoron could have issued an appropriate hand-slapping penalty reflective of the situation. Yet, true to form, he obediently gave James nearly all she demanded with a $364 million fine and a ruling clearly designed to drive the Trump Organization out of business. 

    And how did James and Engoron reach this staggering amount? Well, since James could produce no party that was damaged by Trump’s actions she had to make it up. A supposed expert for the state testified that had Trump been more accurate in his asset valuations the terms of his bank loans would have been less favorable in the amount of $170 million. 

    But does anyone really believe that if these sophisticated financial institutions had been cheated out of hundreds of millions of dollars, they would not be first in line to sue? Not only did these banks have no complaints about their dealings with the Trump Organization, they made clear they did not rely on Trump’s valuations and were in fact happy to keep doing business with him. In fact, not a single witness could provide evidence that Trump even intended to defraud his lenders. 

    So whose interests was Attorney General James representing in this case? It was not the banks who lent money to the Trump Organization and were repaid under the terms negotiated. What about the people of New York? They did not lose any money — in fact, the less the Trump Organization paid in interest rates, the fewer deductions and thus more in taxes it likely paid to New York State. The fact is this case was pure politics on behalf of James — the vindictive actions of a politician wielding the law enforcement power of the state to destroy her enemy. 

    James’s abuse of her position should result in her removal from office. But on the contrary, following the ruling, she was out before the cameras preening about how there “cannot be different rules for different people.” So, should real estate firms in New York — who are notorious for serially overvaluing their holdings — now watch out for future enforcement actions? Don’t hold your breath. 

    New York’s population is shrinking, crime is on the rise and the tax base is eroding. James will not want to be seen as making the business environment even more hostile. No, this was a special action reserved specifically to destroy the Trump Organization. Any appellate decisions to overturn this disaster are years away. Meanwhile, James will strut around claiming she took down Donald Trump. This might be the stuff future gubernatorial campaigns are made of, but it is not to be confused with justice. 

  • Only two years for selling military secrets to China?

    Only two years for selling military secrets to China?

    When it comes to enforcing America’s national security laws, the Biden administration claims that it will stop at nothing to protect our democracy. The Department of Justice has embraced hyperaggressive prosecution theories, curtailed First Amendment rights and even breached the historical divide between law and politics — such measures are regrettable, but necessary when Democracy itself is on the line.  

    Despite all the tough talk, Biden’s DoJ just accepted a shockingly lenient plea deal for a military servicemember caught selling secrets to China.  

    Earlier this week, US Navy Petty Officer Wenheng Zhao pled guilty to conspiracy and bribery for providing highly sensitive military information to the Chinese government. Over two years, Zhao received roughly $15,000 in fourteen separate payments from a Chinese agent in exchange for details on American military security, training exercises and critical infrastructure. This included documents, photos and videos detailing the operation of Navy ships and an overseas military installation. The charges against Zhao carried a maximum possible sentence of twenty years in prison.  

    Back in 2019, former CIA officer Kevin Mallory was sentenced in the Eastern District of Virginia to twenty years’ imprisonment for selling national defense information to China in exchange for $25,000. In comparison, the Biden DoJ accepted a plea from Zhao that landed him twenty-seven months in prison and a $5,500 fine. A United States servicemember who violated his oath and put our nation in danger received a jail sentence that will have him freed in time for the 2026 Winter Olympics. Amazingly, Zhao’s fine amounted to only one third of the bribe payments he received for his crimes. 

    The case had all the hallmarks of the treachery Biden has attacked publicly, from the mishandling of classified documents to conspiring with a hostile foreign power to accepting overseas payments. So if the DoJ cannot secure an appropriate sentence for a traitor selling secrets to China, what exactly is it focusing on?  

    We know it takes the January 6 “insurrection” seriously. The DoJ hired hundreds of federal prosecutors for the purpose of bringing cases against the January 6 defendants. Over the past three years, more than 1,000 cases have been prosecuted and nearly 250 defendants have been sentenced, with the average jail sentence being forty-one months. 

    This is also the same DoJ which cannot be bothered to protect judges but throws the book at pro-life protesters. When demonstrators besieged the homes of Supreme Court Justices Kavanaugh and Roberts following the leaking of the Dobbs decision, Attorney General Merrick Garland refused to enforce the law that forbids protesting at the residence of a federal judge. But when it comes to protesters outside abortion clinics this DoJ holds nothing back. 

    In one instance, FBI agents were deployed to conduct an early morning raid on the Pennsylvania home of Mark Houck. Houck was a pro-life activist and father of eight whose scuffle in front of a clinic led to charges of violating the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances (FACE) Act. A federal jury subsequently acquitted Houck on all counts. 

    In a Michigan case, eight protesters sitting and praying in front of an abortion clinic were arrested by police for a trespassing misdemeanor. Three years later, the DoJ indicted them on charges of conspiring to violate civil rights and violating the FACE Act. They are now awaiting trial and face potential prison sentences of up to eleven years.   

    Of course there is Hunter Biden, who received millions of dollars from Chinese and Ukrainian sources in exchange for access to “the Big Guy.” Not only did Special Counsel David Weiss drag out the investigation for five years, but when he did begrudgingly bring gun and tax charges he ignored any aspect of the case involving the President’s own involvement or Hunter’s overseas dealings. Most attorneys general would be ashamed of the miscarriage of justice that is the Zhao sentence. But clearly this DoJ has its attention focused elsewhere. For 200 years the wall between law and politics has prevented America from descending into banana republic territory. Congratulations, President Biden, you have successfully torn down that wall.