Tag: big beautiful bill

  • Stop the Medicaid ambulance grift

    Stop the Medicaid ambulance grift

    With Congress back in their districts for the August recess, GOP members will undoubtedly be bragging to their base about the Medicaid abuses they stopped by passing President Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill. These reforms include enrollment reductions and new work requirements for enrollees.

    However, many Members are hoping that no one calls them out for failing to address an intergovernmental transfer grift. This little-known accounting trick has turned this basic entitlement program into a bloated scam that enriches public agencies while squeezing out private providers.

    In theory, many of the services Medicaid covers, such as emergency ambulance rides, officially known as Ground Emergency Medical Transport (GEMT), should be straightforward. Someone calls 911, an ambulance arrives and someone gets paid. It should be a clean transaction, one that reflects the actual cost of service. But that is not what happens.

    The problem starts when public ambulance agencies file inflated cost reports to state Medicaid offices, claiming that a single ride costs as much as $1,600. In reality, private providers perform the same service for about $339. The state uses the inflated figure to extract extra federal funding, then hands the surplus to local governments. None of it improves care. It is a rigged operation that rewards false accounting, punishes honest providers and burns through taxpayer dollars.

    Many of these public entities do not even operate ambulances. They subcontract the work to private companies, then skim the excess funding for unrelated local spending.

    Private providers do not have access to this scheme. They bill Medicaid based on fixed rates and get paid for services rendered. They cannot inflate their books or use transfers to game reimbursements.

    This is not an accident. It’s collusion. Public agencies have formed a closed loop with state Medicaid offices. They submit inflated costs, receive enhanced reimbursements and funnel the money wherever they choose.

    Private ambulance companies, meanwhile, are left to survive in a distorted market. To stay afloat, they cut wages, reduce staff and extend equipment usage longer than necessary. Service quality drops. Morale declines. Lawsuits follow. Plaintiff attorneys pounce. Insurance costs surge. States respond with half-measures, such as tort reform, but nothing changes because the core distortion remains untouched.

    That is what the One Big Beautiful Bill ignored. Worse, it may have expanded the imbalance, creating even more favorable reimbursement schemes for the government’s preferred players.

    This is not market failure. It is a government-manufactured failure. The GEMT scheme is one example (likely out of tens of thousands) that shows how federal programs, once hijacked by local actors, produce outcomes that defy logic and destroy market discipline. It reveals how dysfunction is tolerated, even protected, in the name of political favoritism and cronyism. And it proves that despite all the media noise about oligarchy, it is bureaucracy that is bleeding the system dry.

    The irony is that the media rarely touch it. Activists rail against corporate greed and so-called late-stage capitalism, yet here is a textbook case of bureaucratic capture. Public entities use private contractors, overcharge taxpayers and hide behind paperwork.

    California is a prime example. The state aggressively uses the Intergovernmental Transfer (IGT) scheme to draw down massive reimbursements from Washington. While the Biden administration claimed to support tax relief for private providers, it gave California approval to collect more than ten times the IGT payments of any other state. In the private sector, a scheme like this would land you in prison.

    There is a fix: reimbursement parity. If an ambulance ride costs $339, then every provider, public or private, should be paid $339. Or tie the rate to a regional wage index. But stop allowing inflated reports. Stop allowing backdoor subsidies. Require transparent cost reporting. State governments should not be allowed to overpay themselves so blatantly with federal funds or curry favor through these schemes while punishing the providers who actually deliver the care.

    Medicaid is already the largest line item in many state budgets. Members should tout their success in the OBB, but they can’t pretend like the job is done.

    The GEMT program is budget laundering masquerading as healthcare. It erodes trust, wastes resources, and drives out the most efficient players. Congress should make fixing it a priority when they return to DC.

  • Chicago Public Schools have failed. But there’s another option

    Chicago Public Schools have failed. But there’s another option

    Illinois recently released its 2024 Educational Report Card. The grades are, not surprisingly, bleak. Eighty schools reported not a single student who reached grade proficiency in math. Of the state’s low-income students, only 24.6 percent are proficient in reading, and 13.7 percent in math.

    The Chicago Teachers Union – with impeccable grammar and punctuation – blames insufficient funding: “[Governor JB] Pritzker cries poor, he is leaving $10 billion in billionaire and big tech tax breaks on the table. Reversing just a fraction of that windfall would provide [Chicago Public Schools] and all Illinois schools the funds they need to thrive.”

    Not that the CPS or the CTU have proven themselves emblems of fiscal responsibility. CPS is running a $734 million deficit and devotes 7 percent of its funding to debt service. It suffers immense administrative bloat: fewer than half of its 45,965 full-time employees are teachers. Despite falling enrollment rates, its budget balloons every year. Chicago schools face an incredibly difficult task. But to spend $9.9 billion this year alone, while 18,000 students attend zero-proficiency schools? That seems slightly excessive.

    The CTU, meanwhile, charges its teachers $1,410.98 a year and devotes 80 cents on the dollar to campaign donations. Following a 2021 discrimination lawsuit against CPS (not to be confused with the more recent labor negotiation that increased CPS operating costs by $1.5 billion), the union paid its law firm $4 million in fees. It just so happens that the firm is owned by the mother of the union’s vice president, Jackson Potter. The union’s president, Stacy Davis Gates, declared on X that ”*School choice* was actually the choice of racists” while her son was enrolled in a prestigious Catholic school. Not surprisingly, the union maintains a shining 21 percent favorability rating within the state.

    Perhaps it is time to try something new.

    Investing in charter schools is a good first step. According to a 15-year Stanford University study, charter schools across the nation consistently yield higher reading and math outcomes than their public-school counterparts. Few charter-school studies have followed Chicago specifically in recent years, but as of 2017, the city’s charter schools sent 19 percent more of their graduates to four-year colleges than did its district high schools. Yet these charter schools operated on 36 percent less spending per student than mainstream public schools. This disparity could be interpreted in three ways: that charter schools operate efficiently because they must compete for students to enroll; that they are underfunded; or that typical public schools are not so starved for cash as they claim (one Douglass Academy High School spent $93,787 per student in 2024, and 100 percent of its students still failed in math). Regardless of which interpretation you choose, the upshot is that charter schools are succeeding (comparatively, at least) where typical public schools are failing. The very fact that the parents of one in four Chicago high-schoolers choose to enroll in a charter school indicates a higher level of trust than in district schools. Taxpayers ought to be questioning why CPS agreed, in the March labor negotiation, to place a moratorium on the founding of new charter schools.

    Better yet, Illinois could give students the opportunity to escape the dismal public-school system altogether. The state currently offers a 25 percent tax credit for educational expenses such as private-school tuition, but it caps the credit at $750 per family. While this modest break may be nice for middle- to high-income families with students enrolled in private schools, it does not bridge the gap for severely disadvantaged families. Illinois once enabled these low-income students to receive tuition scholarships via its “Invest in Kids” program, which gave a 75 percent tax credit to families and businesses that donated to Scholarship Granting Organizations (SGOs). But in 2023, at the behest of you-guessed-who, the CTU, Illinois axed the program.

    Fortunately, Congress has offered Illinois the opportunity to grant school choice to those families whom the public-school system has failed. The Big Beautiful Bill created a 100 percent tax credit – should a state governor or legislature opt-in – to match an individual’s donation to an educational SGO. These organizations then grant scholarships to low-income or disabled students to attend private schools. The new program would cost neither the state of Illinois nor the local public-school district a cent.

    Both CPS and the CTU have failed the students of Illinois. With the federal scholarship program, a 12-year-old in West Garfield Park could attend a private school that invests in children, not political campaigns. Governor Pritzker must decide: will only the wealthy be taught to read?