Tag: border

  • Trump’s border policy is beginning to bear fruit

    Trump’s border policy is beginning to bear fruit

    The second Trump administration tends to characterize those who have illegally crossed the southern US border as drug dealers, criminals and rapists. That is, of course, exaggeration, but it is no more a fiction than is the alternative belief, common among liberals, that all migrants are desperate people fleeing for their lives, who cannot possibly be expected to live in their home countries and are utterly dependent on making it to America in order to survive.

    If that were true, illegal migration would be little to worry about and good for the soul – and indeed the economic well-being – of America. If illegal migrants’ lives seem a little messy now, and it is expensive to look after them, in time they will all settle down to become good citizens who boost the economy and make us all happier and more diverse.

    The folly of this belief has been exposed by the revelation that Mexican criminal gangs have been offering bounties for the heads of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers. Kill an ICE officer in Chicago, apparently, and you will be due a reward of $10,000. Kidnap one and it is $2,000. This follows last month’s shooting at an ICE facility in Dallas, in which two detainees were killed by a gunman who had scrawled “anti-ICE” on his ammunition.

    Why the desperation to be rid of ICE officials? Because they have succeeded in disrupting illegal activities. It is no longer so easy for the cartels to bring personnel, drugs and weapons across the border. Criminal business models which relied upon easy transit between Mexico and the US are no longer viable.

    The gangs are not Dickensian petty criminals, they are highly complex, organized and lethal fighting forces

    Liberals used to like to say that it was unfeasible to close the border. It stretched too far. There wasn’t enough concrete in America to build the wall which Donald Trump proposed. People would just come in another way. Trump did not prove them wrong in his first term, but he has in his second. He has done so by designating large areas close to the border as military zones, which can then legitimately be defended by soldiers and military vehicles rather than just customs officials. Trump has been called a fascist for deploying the military in civilian situations. Crime had been falling in Washington, it is argued, so why the need to send in the National Guard? This month, the President has been the target of similar condemnation when the Department for Homeland Security sent 300 National Guard troops to Illinois. No sooner had they arrived than a district judge, in a case brought by state and city authorities, placed a temporary injunction on their deployment.

    Of course, the National Guard is being deployed to tackle not just illegal-migrant and international-gang activity but inner-city crime more broadly. Yet the depth and breadth of the cartels’ depravity is hard to exaggerate, as Katarina Szulc’s feature on baby-smuggling shows.

    When you have criminal gangs trafficking infants and offering bounties to contract killers to eliminate state officials, what are you supposed to do? The gangs operating in Chicago and many other cities are not Dickensian petty criminals. They are highly complex, organized and lethal fighting forces.

    Parts of America have ended up in the hands of gangs because their criminal activities have been tolerated for far too long. A rose-tinted view of migration failed to take into account that among the many plain economic migrants who have been crossing the US border illegally are criminals and terrorists who are capable of seriously undermining honest Americans’ quality of life.

    It is not just the US that has been naive about this. Sweden was once one of the world’s most peaceful nations, yet a soft migration policy which was practiced for several years failed to ask who was gaining entry. The result has been a surge of violence using grenades and other weapons which appear to have been sourced from the leftovers of the Balkans wars, three decades ago.

    Germany, Britain, France – all have suffered crime waves involving illegal migrants whose stories about seeking sanctuary from persecution were too easily swallowed.  Importing people from violent parts of the world always brings with it the risk that they will bring some of that with them, yet the asylum policies of developed nations have largely ignored the risk, tending to place far too much trust in the arrivals.

    Not everything ICE is doing is to be welcomed. There are too many tales of harmless tourists who have been speared by overzealous policing of visa rules. Cases such as that of Donna Hughes-Brown, an Irish woman detained by ICE officials in Chicago in July, do not do the department much credit. She is married to a US citizen, a military veteran, and had been living perfectly legally in the US for many years, but was taken into custody when her record revealed a minor misdemeanor involving a bad check a decade ago. It shouldn’t be too much of an effort to distinguish between a slightly wayward foreigner and a member of a vicious cartel. To subject them to similar treatment undermines otherwise necessary work in strengthening borders.

    That aside, there are many signs that enhanced measures against illegal migration in the US are beginning to bear fruit. The country will not become safer overnight, of course, because there are many criminals who are already active here. But the cartels’ threats of violence against ICE officials are a sign that the policy is beginning to work. The danger now is that the cartels will succeed in terrorizing those officials and deterring them from doing their jobs, as well as recruiting new members of staff.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s October 27, 2025 World edition.

  • People really seem to like our Trump drug war cover

    People really seem to like our Trump drug war cover

    It was supposed to be an innocent magazine promotion, announcing how The Spectator was going from printing monthly to twice-monthly in the US.

    So imagine our editor’s horror when he checked his phone late Friday night and discovered he’d been impounded on X by the Department of Homeland Security.

    “We have just sent our first fortnightly edition of The Spectator for the US market. And it’s a gem,” US editor Freddy Gray posted earlier that day. “The cover piece, by @bdomenech, is on the military conflict that MAGA wants. It could not be more timely.”

    The artwork by Pep Boatella depicts President Trump rolling through the desert with masked government officials, headed to crack down on the Mexican drug cartel. The cover story by Ben Domenech, if you care to read it, discusses how “for this White House, success is defined as forcing the Mexican government to do what it doesn’t want to” and examines how hemispheric influence is a priority for top Trump officials such as Vice President J.D. Vance and Secretaries Pete Hegseth and Marco Rubio.

    Yet the cover image caused something of a stir over the weekend, with a number of folk online seeming to think the art was intended as a leftist critique of Trump.

    “Absolute gem by Freddy Gay,” wrote one user. “You can like this post instead of his if you think the cover art is a banger.”

    “The left are so good at accidentally making pro Trump stuff that it’s hilarious!” tweeted another. “This goes HARD!”

    “Can these libtards make Trump any cooler,” a third asked rhetorically.

    The jewel in the crown, though, was the Department of Homeland Security making their own version of the cover as an ICE recruitment ad, changing the masthead to read “JOIN.ICE.GOV,” the dateline to “LITERALLY THE MOST BASED THING EVER” and the cover line to “Media makes Trump look badass again. (many such cases)”

    Cockburn is delighted by the reaction to the art, which was hand-selected by “Freddy Gay” (“Glorious,” the editor responded late Friday night). Your correspondent is also surprised to learn that, after all this time, he’s been working for a “libtard” magazine for several years. He must have been thrown off by the past contributions from G.K. Chesterton, Evelyn Waugh and the like – and by Domenech’s piece quoting the presidents of the Claremont Institute and Heritage Foundation regarding Trump’s actions in Mexico, the Caribbean and Venezuela.

    A number of posts also asked where they could buy the cover – either as artwork or part of the magazine. The answer: at Barnes & Noble from Thursday and on newsstands in major cities from next Monday.

    You could also have received it before anyone else by subscribing

    Congress’s UAP probe

    Congress is sending a probe out into the universe today, as it hosts another hearing for testimony from people who have had “experiences” with UFOs, or, as they’re more commonly known as now, UAPs (Unidentified Arial Phenomena).

    Out-of-this-world Representative Anna Paulina Luna of Florida hosts the task force, saying, in a statement, “American people deserve maximum transparency from the federal government on sightings, acquisitions, and examinations of UAPs and whether they pose a potential threat to Americans’ safety.”

    Cockburn’s “friend” is a strong believer in UAPs, and keeps him well-informed of their visits to earth. Cockburn is more of an early-season Scully-style agnostic on the matter, but acknowledges that there’s more in the universe than is dreamt of in our philosophy. The mainstreaming of UAP knowledge, and the serious attention that legitimate political and military figures are paying to the topic, is one of the most significant, if niche, developments of our time.

    Whatever lurks just outside our view – whether it be extraterrestrial, extra-dimensional, or some sort of advanced military experiment – is definitely going to want to know one thing when it finally reveals itself to us: what’s in the Epstein Files?

    On our radar

    GULF STRIKE Israel attacked senior Hamas leadership in Doha, Qatar on Tuesday morning. Israel informed the US that the attack was coming; the US in turn alerted Qatar.

    I’M LEARNDING High-school math and reading scores have fallen to their lowest level on record, according to the Department of Education.

    JOHN HANCOCKED President Trump is denying that a drawing of a female torso bearing his signature, released by the House Oversight Committee, was done by him. The drawing purportedly formed part of Jeffrey Epstein’s 50th birthday book, compiled by Ghislaine Maxwell.

    Handbags at dawn for Rand and J.D.

    “The GOP’s Elizabeth Warren” is what a person “close” to Vice President J.D. Vance has called Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky. What a low blow! This came after Paul had the temerity to criticize the Trump administration’s decision to blow a Venezuelan boat out of the water on suspicion that it was full of gun-running Tren de Aragua members. The Vice President tweeted that this was the “highest and best use of our military.”

    Over the weekend, when someone referred to the incident as a “war crime,” Vance responded, “I don’t give a shit what you think about it.” This prompted Senator Paul to tweet “JD “I don’t give a shit” Vance says killing people he accuses of a crime is the “highest and best use of the military.” Did he ever read To Kill a Mockingbird?”

    The reference is a little obtuse to Cockburn. Was Boo Radley on that boat? But even though the contours of this particular incident aren’t clear-cut, the difference between Vance and Paul certainly is. Whatever you might want to say about Rand Paul, he’s largely consistent in his ideas and principles. Perhaps that’s why Vance dredged up a Paul deepcut from a decade ago, calling him a “hypocrite” for defending “Obama droning American citizens without due process.”

    “I don’t think the Constitution is divided into teams,” Paul said. But politics is, and Vance has shown that he’s more than willing to throw high inside and tight in order to protect his interests, and those of his boss.


    Subscribe to Cockburn’s Diary on Substack to get it in your inbox on Tuesdays and Fridays.




  • Magnificent – but is it war?

    Magnificent – but is it war?

    When Donald Trump made building a “big, beautiful” wall along the southern US border a priority in his first term, he was widely derided. There wasn’t enough concrete or steel to build such a structure. Anyway, it was futile because migrants would find some way over or around it. It was a heartless and evil project being promoted to distract from other failures. When shutting off immigration from Mexico became an unrealized project from that first term, Trump’s critics enjoyed themselves.

    Campaigning for his second term, Trump hardly mentioned the wall. Yet something remarkable has happened. Undocumented migration across the border has all but ceased. In the four years to Inauguration Day this January, under President Joe Biden’s watch, there were an average of 155,000 illegal crossings every month. In February it fell to 28,000 and in March to just 7,000.

    Crossings have remained at very low levels in the months since. Despite some protests on the Democratic left, Trump has achieved what he promised to do nearly a decade ago: he has closed the border. And by doing so, he has proven that the arrival of large numbers of illegal migrants is not some inevitable fact of modern life. It is a political choice.

    The President needs to move on from the insurgency stage of his second administration

    How has Trump achieved what many said was impossible? He handed the job of policing the border over to the military. This required a little inventiveness to get around the law, but no steamrolling over human rights. Under the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, the government is forbidden from deploying the armed forces to keep order in civilian situations, except with the express permission of Congress. But there was a loophole. The military was still allowed to police the boundaries of military installations. Trump’s solution? Designate the most critical and vulnerable parts of the US-Mexico border as military sites – or extensions of existing military sites – and the Army would be allowed to patrol them regardless. As a result, hardly any migrants are now prepared to chance the crossing.

    There is something to admire in a leader who achieves what others said couldn’t be done. Too often, government becomes stuck in a rut of its own making. Now and again, you need someone who’s not afraid to come along and break things.

    There are still plenty of questions to be asked of Trump’s border policy. It is beginning to look a little performative, with more than 100 Stryker armed combat vehicles deployed to police the border, and the heavy talk of deporting up to ten million illegal immigrants has always been far-fetched.

    Yet the President has intelligently joined up border policy and the war on drugs. As Ben Domenech details in our cover piece on p8, the Trump administration is using its military assets in Central and Latin America to fight what Marco Rubio now likes to call “narco-terrorism.” It’s a typically Trumpian win-win: the administration’s neoconservatives can enjoy flexing American muscles and killing bad guys abroad, while MAGA nationalists thrill at the forceful protection of the American people.

    Rubio and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth are right to argue that the war against the drug cartels cannot be waged at the border alone. But, as ever with Team Trump, the difference between theatrics and serious policy can be hard to decipher. Eliminating a boatload of alleged Venezuelan drug dealers with a missile in the Caribbean makes for good television, especially in the age of social media. But stunts can – and do – go wrong: what if the Trump administration mistakenly launches a fatal attack on an innocent crew or a fishing boat? This White House should not forget the tale of Esequiel Hernández, an American teenager who was herding goats close to the Texas-Mexico border in 1997 when he was shot dead by Marines who mistook him for a member of a drugs gang. The fallout set back efforts to police the border for years.

    Trump has always had a weakness for men in uniform and for military solutions to political problems. He is more than willing to use emergency loopholes to send the National Guard into Washington to curb crime, or Los Angeles to stop violent protests. Such moves are not necessarily unpopular: law-abiding urban residents tend to be grateful for any government which makes them feel safer. Judges may continue to rule against such actions after the fact. But White House spokesmen will call them “rogue” or “activist” for doing so, and round and round the arguments will go.

    The irony is that, in attempting to stop America becoming Latin America, the second Trump administration risks imitating an inept third-world government, endlessly invoking emergency powers and using armed forces to advance its agenda.

    Washington, DC, is the heart of the American government and an important commercial center – a civilian environment if ever there was one. That such places are generally free from military presence in spite of the constant terrorist threat marks a very visible difference between a democracy such as the US and the dictatorships which blight much of the world.

    The President should be applauded for being prepared to look at problems differently and take bold action where his predecessors have not. But he needs to move on from the insurgency stage of his second administration and be a little more careful. Closing the border to illegal immigrants is a triumph. But it is one which will be wasted if Trump ends up offending the citizenry through an overbearing and inappropriate deployment of the military in everyday life.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s September 15, 2025 World edition.