Tag: Washington DC

  • The theater of Washington

    The theater of Washington

    Suddenly it’s Ibsen season in Washington, DC. It’s true that only Shakespeare’s plays are performed worldwide more often than Henrik Ibsen’s. But to have two of the great 19th-century Norwegian playwright’s works running at once in the nation’s capital is unusual. And the works in question – An Enemy of the People and The Wild Duck – deliver contradictory messages. Together they say something not only about the state of the arts in Washington, but also about the state of the liberal mind.

    Politics is very much a presence on the capital’s stages. The city’s two main Shakespeare organizations, the Shakespeare Theatre Company and the Folger Theatre, last year presented seasons heavily influenced by the presidential election. Folger’s Romeo and Juliet made the Montagues and Capulets representatives of rival political parties, though the point was rather lost in a messy production that also tried to be trendy.

    The STC was subtler, with a lineup that spoke to liberal electoral anxieties. Babbitt, based on the Sinclair Lewis novel, is partly the tale of a demagogue’s rise. Yet there was also a post-election production of Leopoldstadt, Tom Stoppard’s reflection on the lives of Viennese Jews as bourgeois anti-Semitism made way for Nazi violence, that spoke to the darkest fears, or the most overheated rhetoric, of theater-going liberals.

    Knowing the politics of the capital and its theaters, one isn’t surprised to see Enemy revived. On the surface, Ibsen’s play about a scientist who discovers an environmental hazard that threatens to upend the economy of a resort town – and is met with furious denunciations by the authorities for his discovery – seems like a parable flattering to many a crusading liberal. And sure enough, the program for this production drew a parallel between Ibsen’s protagonist, Dr. Thomas Stockmann, and Dr. Anthony Fauci, to liberals the hero (and to the right, the villain) of America’s Covid response. “At least one congressman has labeled Dr. Fauci an ‘enemy of the people’,” the program noted. It’s a phrase Trump bandied about, too.

    Yet Ibsen was no mere liberal, although the extent of his distrust for ideology is masked by Amy Herzog’s “new version” of Enemy, which debuted on Broadway last year and was staged in DC last month. The authentic Stockmann, as Ibsen wrote him, says near the play’s end: “I only want to knock a few ideas into the heads of these mongrels: that the so-called liberals are free men’s most dangerous enemies; that party platforms wring the necks of every young and promising truth; and that party-political-opportunism turns morality and justice upside down…”

    He adds: “We have to get rid of the party bosses – a party boss is just like a wolf – a ravenous wolf,” words that wouldn’t comfort an audience that might include Chuck Schumer or Nancy Pelosi. Ibsen’s Stockmann ends up something of a Nietzschean, declaring himself “one of the strongest men in the whole world,” an heroic individual standing against party and press, rejecting the hypocrisies of those who claim to be altruistic progressives or, in the case of radical newspapermen, revolutionaries.

    Herzog’s Stockmann, as presented in DC, is an altogether tamer animal whose concluding words instead hymn the power of imagination to lead us to a better world. Ibsen has been rewritten to sound like Kamala Harris – the party bosses have won. Do DC theater-goers appreciate the irony?

    The point in An Enemy of the People is to stand by the truth, no matter whom it offends or however great the suffering one endures on account of doing so. Stockmann loses his job and becomes the most hated man in his community rather than compromise his message. So what is the point of a theater company presenting the play in a compromised form? Ibsen was concerned about something more than the purity of a town’s water supply. Liberals of his own time were scandalized; it’s a testament to his genius that he remains ideologically indigestible.

    Something of his intended meaning does come through despite the censorship, however, and even a viewer less skeptical of progressive than myself might wonder, watching this Enemy, whether a figure as demonized by the political authorities and progressive journalists as Stockmann is better matches Fauci – a state employee – or the independent critics of government Covid policy who suffered for their skepticism, like the now-vindicated Dr. Jay Bhattacharya.

    Then there’s the other Ibsen lately on stage in Washington: STC’s production of The Wild Duck. For all that STC operates in keen awareness of the city’s politics, artistic director Simon Godwin clearly has an interest in art for its own sake, which is in evidence in productions of Chekhov and Ibsen he’s directed recently. The Wild Duck (1884) seems to have been Ibsen’s response to those who took the wrong lessons from Enemy (1882): the truth-telling radical who drives the action of The Wild Duck is a fanatic who brings ruin to his dearest friend. Gregers Werle is a man who sees it as his calling to liberate goldfish from their bowls, to borrow an image from G.K. Chesterton. But instead of allowing them to swim free, men like Werle only reveal that creatures accustomed to captivity cannot survive in an atmosphere of pure truth. They need what Werle’s philosophical opponent in the play, a doctor named Relling, calls “the life-lie.”

    A would-be savior can be a calamity for the very people he intends to save, and Werle is a man of purest enlightenment philosophy and romantic longing for authenticity – a liberal or progressive, in other words. His idealism is diabolical, leading an innocent to suicide and revealing the inability of ordinary people to live the lives an idealist thinks worth living. Ibsen and Nietzsche were contemporaries, and neither had much direct influence on the other. Yet Ibsen is Nietzsche on the stage – even the politically progressive stage of Washington, DC.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s December 8, 2025 World edition.

  • Why DC loves to hate Partiful

    Why DC loves to hate Partiful

    If you’re under 50, you may have noticed that Partiful has quietly annexed the American social calendar over the past year or two. The event-planning app, founded by former Palantir employees, began as another Silicon Valley toy, but it didn’t stay regional for long. Its loud dashboard aesthetic spread quickly through the Bay Area and then achieved escape velocity in Washington, DC. I wouldn’t be surprised if the strong cultural current between tech and defense is what created near-perfect conditions for a social revival in nerd world.

    While I understand a bit of snobbery over the aesthetics, I’ve been surprised by the constant performative disdain I’ve observed accompanying its rise. Everywhere I go, I hear people say they “hate” Partiful. I watch otherwise socially adept adults roll their eyes at the indignity of being invited to yet another birthday karaoke or themed dinner through an app, of all things, as if the rest of their lives aren’t already dictated by Outlook and Slack.

    Receiving a Partiful link is akin to a minor social injury, a digital affront to imagined analog elegance. This is nothing more than user error, in my view. Partiful’s origins do give it an undeniable tinge of dorkiness, but only the constitutionally weak would let that get in the way of a good time.

    Sure, the format is corny. The animated sparkles, the tie-dye backgrounds, the GIFs. But in a society where birth rates are in a nosedive, no one’s heard of sex before and social skills are degrading by the minute, I am more than happy to turn a blind eye to a few lurid colors and kitschy animations in service of prosocial behavior.

    Infact, I’d go as far as to say that my social diary has never been busier thanks to the efficient plug-in between Partiful and my iPhone calendar. I know exactly when everything is happening and I am rarely at risk of double-booking myself, which is more than I can say for the pre-Partiful days when RSVPs were a veritable archaeological dig through texts, DMs and half-remembered conversations.

    Indeed, it may be the only app that’s as effective at getting people to log off as it is at getting people to use it. For the socially blessed, perhaps the garishness of it all is a true burden – not all of us are well-connected enough to enjoy a constant whisper-network of parties, or handwritten calling cards from a generous host.

    For the rest of us, the mere fact that someone went out of their way to invite you to something, even through a candy-colored interface, is hardly an indignity. If being invited to a party is the worst thing that has happened to you this month, I congratulate you on your charmed life.

    The main complaint I hear beyond the superficial is that the app feels “too public.” The guest list is visible. The RSVPs are visible. People can see you were invited. They can see you RSVP’d “maybe” and then never updated your status. Knowing who is attending an event supposedly ruins the mystery of running into an exciting stranger or, more thrillingly, an unwelcome ex. But this transparency only offends those who relied on ambiguity to maintain their mystique. Some of us know how to withhold, wherever we go.

    Another accusation: the app’s design encourages people to RSVP just to see who else is coming, which allegedly leads to inflated guest lists full of ambiguous spectators. While I’ll admit that this is gauche, it does reflect a fact of human nature. People have always wanted to know who will be at a party before deciding to attend. Partiful simply removed the need for back-channel interrogation and gossip-triangle logistics. Tacky as this may be, millennials have no right to be so snooty about it, given the fact that their long-forgotten Facebook events had the same feature.

    If you read between the lines you’ll notice that DC in particular loves Partiful because it flattens status games while simultaneously revealing them. The everyday social life of the city, the informal gatherings of the civil servants and hard-drinking journalists, becomes a semi-public ledger of who’s hosting, who’s being invited and who’s orbiting which micro-scene.

    In a city where professional life and social life blur, where a dinner can double as a networking event and a house party can function as a quasi-policy salon, this level of transparency is intoxicating. People here love data, for good or ill, and Partiful gives them plenty of it.

    Partiful exploits Washington’s weakness for structure, but in my view, the exploitation is a net positive and benefits all stakeholders. It makes it easier for hosts to gather people, easier for newcomers to break in, and easier for the city’s chronically Type-A residents to remember that fun is a scheduling problem more than a metaphysical one. The app has created a small renaissance in casual hosting: backyard dinners, themed cocktail nights, going-away parties, last-minute potlucks.

    I’ve been to five-person movie nights and 500-person galas because of it. It has lowered the barrier to entry for throwing something together. It has reminded people that to enjoy a party, you have to log off and actually attend it.

    If some find this embarrassing, so be it. But it’s hard not to admire an app that has done more for community-building than a decade of think-tank happy hours. DC may scoff at Partiful, but it also cannot stop using it. And maybe that’s the clearest sign of all that the app is here to stay.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s December 8, 2025 World edition.

  • Cockburn will come to your Christmas party

    Cockburn will come to your Christmas party

    Cockburn woke up bleary-eyed, splashed water on his face and took stock of his calendar this Black Friday. It is already filling up with events from embassies, magazines and cautious frenemies. He spent his Thanksgiving down South, practicing grounding techniques and avoiding stirring pots, except for the pot of cranberry sauce. It isn’t easy being Washington’s nosiest socialite – and even Cockburn needs to get away from the swamp once in a while.

    However, the time for wholesome family fun has ended. Your disoriented correspondent will be on a plane headed back to Reagan before all the decorations are up in the White House. We have entered the most Cockburn-y (tolerant) time of the year – that liminal space between Thanksgiving and Christmas when dignitaries are drunk, luminaries are lit and whoever is left to haunt the district does so under the influence of holiday cheer.

    Lucky you, important person, there is still time to invite him to your party. He will play the role of neither influencer nor wonk but a much-needed waggish addition to a tiresome crowd. Every Christmas party should have one character for guests to point at and ask, “Who is that?” with some mix of delight and disgust. This is crucial for creating a dynamic ambiance and cultivating the mystique of DC hosts and institutions alike. It will also ensure you don’t have any alcohol left going into Dry January.

    Send your invitations to cockburn@thespectator.com and he will make an appearance.

    On our radar

    MIGRATION CRACKDOWN After an Afghan national shot two National Guardsmen in DC on Tuesday, killing one, President Trump pledged to “permanently pause migration from all Third World Countries.”

    ADIEU ANDRIY Andriy Yermak, President Volodymyr Zelensky’s chief of staff, has resigned amid a corruption scandal.

    SCHOOL’S OUT Two thirds of registered voters say a four-year college degree isn’t worth the cost, according to an NBC News poll.

    Subscribe to Cockburn’s Diary on Substack to get it in your inbox on Tuesdays and Fridays.

  • Trump blames Biden for shooting of National Guardsmen

    Trump blames Biden for shooting of National Guardsmen

    In response to the attack on Thanksgiving eve by a suspected Afghan national upon two West Virginia National Guardsmen, President Trump demanded a renewed effort to expel illegal immigrants. During a brief and uncompromising address from West Palm Beach that bore the rhetorical fingerprints of White House advisor Stephen Miller, Trump ripped into illegal immigration and former president Joe Biden.

    The President deemed the influx of refugees from Afghanistan and elsewhere the “single greatest national-security threats” facing America. Biden was a “disastrous president.” Trump reserved special scorn for his detractors who he said purport to protect constitutional liberties but are leaving America exposed to rampant criminality. One big problem for Trump, however, is that although the suspected shooter was “mass paroled” into the country and immigrated here in 2021, he was apparently approved for asylum in April 2025 – by the Trump administration.

    It was Biden, Trump implied, who, more than anyone else, was culpable for the descent of American cities into criminality. To listen to Trump it might have seemed as though Biden had flown in Afghans expressly for the purpose of targeting innocent Americans. Indeed, Trump averred that not only Afghans but also Somalis are pillaging America. He declared, “We must now reexamine every single alien who has entered our country from Afghanistan under Biden, and we must take all necessary measures to ensure the removal of any alien from any country who does not belong here, or add benefit to our country.” Trump has already called for the termination of special status for Somalis living in Minnesota, a stance that he is likely to double down on.

    Throughout his speech, Trump’s rhetoric was sweeping. But Trump’s actual response – an additional 500 National Guardsmen to be deployed to the nation’s capital – was not. Trump, for example, could have declared that he intends to terminate Washington’s Home Rule and return to the days of yore when the federal government ran the district. Perhaps he envisions such a prospect.

    Trump’s critics are arguing that the same measures he took to impose law and order are creating the very havoc he decries. New Yorker writer Jane Mayer stated that the Guardsmen should “never have been” in Washington in the first place. The White House responded by calling her a “disgusting ghoul.” But others are voicing their disquiet with the stationing of federal troops in Washington as well.

    Their cautions will surely be portrayed by Trump and his advisers as an exercise in pusillanimity. The shooting took place near Farragut Square. In the center of the square is a prominent statue dedicated to the legendary Admiral David Farragut. Inscribed on the plinth of the statue is his credo, “Damn the torpedoes! Full speed ahead!” Will Trump follow suit?

  • The Dr. Strangelove taxonomy of DC types

    The Dr. Strangelove taxonomy of DC types

    I tweeted the other day that my social life in Trump’s DC is just getting dinner or drinks with a different Dr. Strangelove character every week. It sounds like an exaggeration, but it’s not. Not really. Every week brings its own apocalypse – and the cast of characters responds accordingly. Find here a taxonomy of DC types:

    Dr. Strangelove (The theorist)

    The end of the world approaches and only the strong will survive it. Hands trembling slightly from too much caffeine and suppressed grandeur, he (it’s always a he) declares his grand theory of the world in so many words. Women, of course, will be spared. Perhaps you, too, will be counted among the lucky ones. Oh, you’re over 30? If you just read a little more Spengler. Learned a little more about semiconductors. There might be room in the bunker.

    Commander Mandrake (The visiting British correspondent)

    Efficient. Relatively polite. A cultural anthropologist. Always calling the Uber, assembling the troops for the next pub – I mean, bar – and ordering a round of Guinness for the table. He’s here on duty to report on DC’s pomp and circumstance, endlessly teasing Americans about their earnestness while secretly searching for the nearest Waffle House. Washington isn’t that different from Westminster. It’s just a little more self-serious.

    Jack D. Ripper (MAHA’s strongest soldier)

    Walk into any bar on Capitol Hill and you’ll find a handful of these guys talking about what estrogenized water is doing to testosterone levels. What the great feminization is doing to the workplace. How the male essence must be preserved. Most likely to be a 40-year-old bachelor with the Red Scare podcast in his Hinge profile as an in-group signal to the based women of Washington. In fact, there may be more Jack D. Rippers in DC right now than at any other time in history. It’s a marvel Kubrick predicted their arrival back in the 1960s.

    President Muffley (The earnest liberal)

    Still believes in democracy and – bless his heart – due process. Reads the Atlantic like a moral instruction manual. Wants to be good. Wringing his hands at the degradation of decency, biding his time until the inevitable turning of the tides. In the meantime, he tends to his ficus plant and carefully curated coffee bar while stating “cautious optimism” over things that are already engulfed in flames. May have swung closer to the center since the last election, but still can’t quite stomach the rest of it. You’re faintly fond of him, in spite of the cloud of doom trailing his every word.

    Major Kong (Defense tech enthusiast)

    He works for Palantir or Anduril or something even more secret adjacent to the Department of War. Bicoastal (SF/DC) and proud of it. Certain that the average IQ is higher in the Bay, but Washington is where the decisions get made, so he begrudgingly keeps a Dupont apartment to schmooze with the shot-callers. You get a sense that he’d ride the drones he’s developing into the sunset if the job asked for it.

    Colonel Bat Guano (The staffer)

    Overworked. Pale. Nervous. Vibrating on Celsius and Zyn. He books the flights, he writes the speeches, he quietly holds the republic together with duct tape and WD-40 while everyone else is tweeting about it. Chain smokes like a ghost who died at inbox zero. When he says it’s been a “busy week,” he means he’s been sleeping on the floor of a congressional office for four days. The midnight oil never seems to run out. By the time he finally crashes, the other party might be in charge.

    The War Room (The groupchat)

    Where all decisions are made – or at least endlessly litigated. Less geopolitical influence than NATO, more emotional instability than a freshman dorm. All gossip, vice-signaling and purity-testing. Here you’ll find the middle managers of MAGA: men so high on their small-pond power they excommunicate anyone who threatens their crumb of relevance. If you ever find yourself added to one of their threads, don’t panic. Mute, pour yourself a drink and remember that empires fall, but receipts last forever.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s November 24, 2025 World edition.

  • The cruel, cold intellect of DC and San Francisco

    The cruel, cold intellect of DC and San Francisco

    New York vs Los Angeles is done to death. Those cities have already captured the American heart on stage and screen. The next great rivalry (or is it an alliance?) is unfolding between the bastions of the nerds: Washington, DC, and San Francisco. Each prizes a different facet of intellect – DC the operator, San Francisco the inventor, functioning as co-architects of a new American order.

    We tell ourselves SF and DC represent different values: disruption and order, innovation and stability. And yet the cities are locked in a symbiotic embrace. San Francisco builds new worlds in the image of its algorithms; Washington manages those worlds through policy and process. But this is a cold comfort. While both claim to act in the public interest, each sees the human as a problem to be solved.

    The Bay Area’s age of AI and relentless innovation has revived the old romantic ideal of progress. The pioneer spirit of the West survives there in its purest form, fueling faith in optimization and rationality as solutions to every human problem. However, as much as San Francisco believes itself to be the city of the future, its techno-optimism is curdling into a kind of moral craft – a conviction that intelligence can solve even the problems of the soul; algorithms so attuned to latent desire they acquire a mystic shroud and supplant the idea of God.

    SF’s technocrats are superb builders, optimizers and brilliant problem-solvers, confident in the power of reason, even in their mimicry of human affect. Yet they forget that the simulacrum of the soul is not the soul itself. San Francisco’s intellectual life risks becoming a cult of cleverness, believing in nothing beyond the material. The city gamifies moral life, reducing virtue to interface and empathy to design. With success comes arrogance. Cults have always thrived in the American West, and the Bay is no exception.

    Washington, my city, deals in hard power. Operators and bureaucrats populate this thin place and attempt to drag nebulous ideas from the bowels of the internet into the real world. Procedural and strategic intelligence dominate. Intellect here, as in the Bay, is used to move things.

    Washington suffers the same sickness as San Francisco: the mechanization of intellect in service of power. The capital systematizes the world beneath the veneer of public interest until – behind closed doors – there is no room left for the human. It abolishes the soul by institutionalizing it, or tabling it until the votes are counted and victory assured. In both cities, inner life is replaced by mechanical operations, whether they are algorithmic optimization or political maneuvering.

    Humanity in both cases becomes a rounding error, nothing more than a variable to train the model or a complication to be managed after the election. Each city serves Power while sacrificing meaning. Between the West Coast’s delirious faith in innovation and the capital’s procedural worship of control lies the same threat of emptiness: the loss of interior life.

    I would be remiss not to mention Boston, which stands apart from this alliance. The third city of nerds, the home of the archetypal elite scholar holds perhaps the purest expression of American brainpower. Yet its fixation on scholarship sets it apart from the other two, making it more of a ceremonial old guard of the brain trust than a boundary-pushing force. Where San Francisco disrupts, Boston preserves. Where Washington dominates, Boston analyzes. For all its excellence, Boston feels more like a museum of thought than a battleground of it, at least in the public imagination.

    America’s brightest minds have turned thinking into machinery. Both believe intellect can redeem us, when in truth it is in danger of replacing us. Perhaps Boston’s sterility is preferable to this impotent brilliance, from a romantic perspective. Though the archetypal scholar may lose himself in theory, at least he knows the human joy of theorizing. We must watch our hearts, lest we forget what the thinking was ever for.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s November 10, 2025 World edition.

  • What doesn’t kill Egly-Ouriet makes it stronger

    What doesn’t kill Egly-Ouriet makes it stronger

    In recent columns, we have visited some lesser known spots in Burgundy – Saint-Romain, Maranges, Ladoix – where the wines are good and the prices reassuring.  This time, I’d like to travel to Champagne to introduce you to one of my most exciting recent discoveries, the wines of Egly-Ouriet. You know about Dom Pérignon, Krug, Bollinger and Taittinger. They can be very good. Egly-Ouriet is something else.

    Remember that Champagne occupies the northernmost precinct of French wine production. The northeastern bit of the area borders Belgium. It’s chilly up there, and damp. Nietzsche famously declared that, “What doesn’t kill me makes me stronger.” That may not be true of people. I am pretty sure it is not. But the observation has a certain application to wine. Difficult conditions make the grapes try harder.

    This is something that Champagne makers understand instinctively. It is said the Egly family and its ancestors have been growing grapes in and around the eastern valley of Montagne de Reims since the 18th century. The vineyards around Ambonnay, Bouzy and Verzenay are their epicenter. At first, Egly-Ouriet sold most of its fruit to other winemakers. But in the mid-20th century, the family began marketing its own wine. After Francis Egly took over the business in the 1980s, the winery developed a cult following. Today, it makes some of the most complex and sumptuous Champagne in the world.

    A word one often sees in connection with Egly-Ouriet is “precise.” In some ways that is curious, because Egly’s approach to winemaking can also be described as laissez-faire or “minimalist.” His spots of dirt offer some of the choicest grand cru and premier cru terroir in Champagne. Some of his grand cru vines in Ambonnay date from 1946. Planted on shallow chalk soils with only about a foot of topsoil, they make, in Egly’s hands, some remarkable wines.

    Egly takes great pains to let nature do the talking. He uses local yeasts and minimal pressing. He listens hard to the weather, the “unheard melodies” of the land that he is blessed to cultivate. Galileo said that wine is sunlight caught in water. Francis Egly makes the sunlight sparkle. Time equals money. One reason Champagne is expensive is that it requires a lot of time to make. By law, nonvintage Champagne must age for a minimum of 15 months, vintage for 36 months. Some of Egly-Ouriet’s offerings age for 60 months, some of its grand crus age for 84 months, a few for an astonishing 96 months, eight years, in the barrel and sur-lattes. Look for the initials “V.P.,” which stands for “vieillissement prolongé,” or “prolonged aging.”

    So what does all this time and cultivation cost? Some of Egly-Ouriet’s Champagnes are expensive. Vintage Grand Cru Brut Millesime and Extra-Brut Blanc de Noirs Les Crayères are dear. Bring along five or six Benjamins for a recent vintage, more for older ones. But some of its wines are, as these things go, veritable bargains. Its premier cru Brut Les Vigne de Bisseuil, for example, can be yours for about $100. Its Les Prémices is about $70. They are all delicious, with that bread-like yeastiness and blooming, succulent mouthfeel that most of the best Champagnes feature.

    I have had several bottles of Champagne from Egly-Ouriet in the last few years. After a gala event in Washington at the end of last month, I repaired with some friends to Butterworth’s, DC’s trendy and most politically mature refectory (at 319 Pennsylvania Avenue SE) with a bottle of the Rosé Grand Cru Extra Brut. The cuvée was from vineyards in Ambonnay, Bouzy and Verzenay – 70 percent pinot noir, 30 percent chardonnay, tinctured with 5 percent still red wine from Ambonnay. It was nonvintage, but on a base of 2019 grapes, disgorged in October 2024; the wine had lingered 48 months on the lees.

    We were in a mood to be appreciative, but even with an appropriate discount for what (in another context) Alan Greenspan called “irrational exuberance,” we all agreed that the wine was spectacular. It started with an intense nose, redolent of a pâtisserie, proceeded with a kaleidoscope of shifting tones and flavors and adumbrations, and finished long, with that bright intensity that all good Champagne deploys. This wine is not cheap, but neither is it exorbitant. A bottle can be yours for about $200.

    I will end by noting the Egly-Ouriet also makes an excellent still pinot noir called Coteaux Champenois Rouge. It comes from vines that are 60 years old or older in a single south-facing vineyard in Ambonnay directly below the Les Crayères chalk pit. We followed the Champagne with a bottle of the 2022. It was unlike any Burgundy pinot noir I have had. Intense yet balanced, full-fruited yet reticent, severe yet coaxable. Bottled by hand directly from the barrel, it is a wine that had a pampered yet strenuous upbringing. It is usually about $300 a bottle. Definitely vaut le voyage, as Baedeker would say.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s November 10, 2025 World edition.

  • Trump’s Ballroom will make America great

    Trump’s Ballroom will make America great

    There is nothing like the thrill of getting a White House invitation. Even though I worked there at the time, I vividly recall the sparkly feeling when I read that “The President and First Lady” requested the pleasure of my company at a reception for the US Embassy hostages who had just come home from captivity in Iran.

    It was a great stroke for my ego, simultaneously a sensation of importance and reward for work well done. My origins are plebeian and it ranked among the most exciting things that happened to me since being unexpectedly invited to tea with Princess Margaret at Oxford.

    A White House social invitation is an informal tool of presidential power. From George and Martha Washington onward White House invitations have been used to achieve policy aims. They have literally shaped America.

    In the Republic’s early days Dolley Madison set the bar for White House entertaining. She threw the first-ever Inaugural Ball, presided over weekly receptions featuring prodigious quantities of alcohol and introduced ice cream to America. To sound out political leanings on Capitol Hill, she held “dove parties” with congressional spouses.

    Space was a problem even then. Her events were so popular guests literally jammed the White House’s tight quarters, giving them the name “crushes.”

    As the Napoleonic Wars raged in Europe, France and Britain vied for influence in America. While Dolley entertained, James Madison huddled in a corner with key players, sounding out allies and plotting his next moves during the tense period leading up to the War of 1812.

    Her efforts to promote mediation through social events ultimately failed. War with Great Britain ensued. The White House was burnt, but Dolley won acclaim for rescuing precious documents. At a 1985 presidential dinner, I and other guests saw the scorch marks around windows undergoing renovation.

    After the Battle of New Orleans she threw a grand party for General Andrew Jackson. It was so packed she used slaves as human candleholders to keep the overcrowded White House rooms illuminated.

    Jackson, a backwoodsman and war hero, was the first populist president. Twenty thousand frontier denizens that one reporter described as “a rabble, a mob of boys, negroes, women, children, scrabbling, fighting, romping” trooped through the White House on Inauguration Day, leaving a mess in their wake. Afterwards Jackson spent heavily to redecorate. It was a period of fierce partisan passions, but as many as a thousand guests attended his lavish receptions. Even in polarized times, it’s hard to decline a White House invite.

    The Polk presidency stands out for impressive deal making. James and Sarah Polk were political partners throughout their marriage. She edited and sometimes wrote his speeches, campaigned with him, attended sessions of Congress and used White House entertaining to cultivate political relationships that would advance the country’s territorial ambitions during the era of “Manifest Destiny.”

    To facilitate in-depth conversation and deal-making, Sarah eliminated dancing at White House receptions. She restricted dinner drinks to a mere six glasses, keeping guests sober and focused. They nicknamed her “Sahara Sarah,” but her friend Dolley Madison threw what today we would call “after parties,” coordinated so that Sarah’s parched guests could imbibe freely and go home contented.

    These social events were instrumental in furthering deals that opened Oregon to settlement and led to the annexation of Texas and purchase of California, Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada and Utah. An 1847 agreement with Columbia gave America the right to build the Panama Canal. Polk’s 1848 State of the Union announced the discovery of gold at Sutter’s mill, and Virginia City’s Comstock lode financed the coming Civil War.

    Jackie Kennedy’s entertaining brought celebrities from the arts and culture together with politicians to create an aura of glamour for the Kennedy White House. She helped catalyze the image of Camelot that still characterizes his presidency.

    She revamped the White House, saying the furnishings looked like they came from “a wholesale furniture store during a January clearance.” She created a Fine Arts Committee to collect period furniture from around the country and raise private funds to buy the pieces and redecorate the building. Her televised White House tour of the results was watched by 46 million viewers.

    JFK had only five Inaugural Balls. Their number has grown steadily under each president. The Obamas had ten. The need for more entertaining space within the secure perimeters of the White House is clear.

    In the past 125 years we’ve grown from 76 million inhabitants to 342 million. The White House’s cramped quarters are simply too small for gatherings of the growing number of movers and shakers, influencers and influentials in contemporary American society.

    A large ballroom will give future presidents far more maneuvering room, literally and figuratively, to use the magic of White House invitations to achieve their aims. They can thank Trump for it.

  • The devil over Washington

    The devil over Washington

    It is difficult to romanticize the political theater of Washington, DC, when you live so close to it. The absurdity feels routine after a while. You grow desensitized to the Machiavellian scheming, the name-calling, the ceremonial outrage. News outlets blast cinematic plot twists to the American public while quieter forces go unnoticed.

    With September growing late and the humdrum heat and headlines of Washington refusing to break, I turned to film in an attempt to re-enchant myself with the city in which I live. I rewatched two movies which capture its deeper moods. In spite of their tonal differences, both struck me in their portrayal of life just apart from the curtain – Washington not as the center of power, but as a place shadowed by it.

    The Exorcist, released months before the peak of the Watergate scandal in 1973, sees the city as tragic. Burn After Reading, released just before Obama’s first presidential victory in 2008, sees it as farcical. Both movies concern themselves with dramas beyond political life, and together they reveal something essential about the nature of evil and the psyche of Washington today.

    In Burn After Reading, the Coen brothers turn their lens just outside the political core of Washington, looking at the lives of pompous bureaucrats and some gym employees who try to blackmail them. The satire is merciless, holding its characters in no great affection: they’re all too dim-witted to understand the machinery of power, too incompetent to ever truly wield it. The characters barely register meaning or evil at all. Their lives, in effect, are expendable, their frantic attempts to claw their way into power impotent, the evil they mire themselves in banal. The devil over Washington is set loose, free to work under the guise of everyday stupidity, as the authorities shrug and turn a blind eye.

    The devil over Washington is set loose, free to work under the guise of everyday stupidity

    The Exorcist, by contrast, casts Washington not as a city that is too self-serious, but as a city that is not serious enough. In spite of its setting, its backdrop is not political but spiritual – the worldly Jesuits of Georgetown cross paths with actresses and diplomats, while the political class hardly intrudes. Instead, the press of rational, intellectual life in Washington is represented by the medical community as they subject the disturbed young Regan to test after invasive test. Only when every avenue is exhausted do the doctors, almost embarrassed, recommend an exorcism – but even then as a last resort, a kind of placebo treatment dependent on the corresponding irrational belief of the patient.

    For all its blasphemous convulsions, I find The Exorcist strikingly wholesome. Its rejection of cold reason in favor of faith implies a moral order that is weighty enough to withstand even absurd, improbable evil. The doctors – like the bumbling characters in Burn After Reading – are incapable of perceiving great evil and so cannot perceive great love. Their clinical detachment leaves them helpless before Regan’s possession. The Roman rite of exorcism performed by the ailing Father Merrin reaffirms Regan’s identity as a human being made in the image of the divine. Where the doctors offer cold procedure, the exorcism drips with love.

    The Washington I live in feels caught between the moods of both movies, unable to decide whether it is a place of conviction or performance. The ironic detachment of 2008 still lingers, still pulls the spirit toward a desensitization and the impulse to treat every crisis as theater – but the spiritual dread of the 1970s has returned in new forms. Spiritual warfare is overtly present in the public dialogue. Violence is constantly in the background and evil is openly discussed, even as we strain to take moral language seriously.

    Though we are closer to 2008 than 1973, I suspect that we are spinning closer in spirit to the Washington of the Nixon era; spiritual powers and principalities seem to undergird the spectacle, and both absurdity and rationality are thin veneers to stretch over very real darkness. What The Exorcist understood – and what Burn After Reading refused to entertain – is that evil can only be opposed by people who believe someone is worth saving. Washington in 2025 is still deciding which story it belongs to.

    This article was originally published in The Spectator’s October 13, 2025 World edition.

  • Do cities need the National Guard?

    Do cities need the National Guard?

    “They are the ones who are making it a war zone,” Governor J.B. Pritzker of Illinois bloviated on CNN recently, as Jake Tapper listened, displaying his best Resting Serious Journalist Face. “They need to get out of Chicago. If they’re not going to focus on the worst of the worst, which is what the President said they were going to do, they need to get the heck out.”  

    ICE has overreached its authority, according to Pritzker, arresting innocent children and zip-tying grandparents in the middle of the night, asking people for their citizenship papers on the street. And yet here comes the National Guard, as ordered by Donald Trump, an “invasion” of trained soldiers from Texas. “Every American needs to stand up and stop this madness,” Governor McCheese tweeted.  

    Yet what are the feds supposed to do? Last month ICE launched “Operation Midway Blitz,” last seen deployed by the Chicago Bears in the 1980s. Unsurprisingly in Chicago, which has a contemporary left wing that makes Red Emma Goldman look like a Bircher, the operation soon led to daily protests outside the ICE processing center in the Chicago suburb of Broadview. This Saturday brought a scarily violent scene during an ICE patrol on Chicago’s South Side, when, according to the Department of Homeland Security, ICE agents “were attacked and rammed by vehicles and boxed in by 10 cars.” Agents shot (non-fatally) a woman who was allegedly brandishing a semi-automatic weapon. There’s some dispute about what role the Chicago Police Department played in all this, but a dispatch call does go, “per the chief of patrol, all units clear out from there, we’re not sending anybody out to that location.” The CPD doesn’t seem to want to get involved. Hence, the National Guard.  

    Meanwhile, in the People’s Republic of Oregon, federal judge Karin Immergut, who Trump appointed, said that Trump’s ordering of the California National Guard to deal with ICE protesters in Portland is illegal, and local officials “are likely to succeed on their claim that the President exceeded his constitutional authority and violated the Tenth Amendment.” California Governor called Trump’s order “a breathtaking abuse of the law and power.” Well, it’s no Covid-era lunch at the French Laundry, but Cockburn can understand Newsom’s concern.  

    Trump, who seeks peace abroad daily but war at home hourly, seems unfazed. In front of a thropping Marine One yesterday, he said, “Portland is burning to the ground! You have agitators, insurrectionists, all you  have to do is look at the television, turn on your television, read the newspaper. It’s burning to the ground. The Governor, the Mayor, the politicians are petrified for their lives. That judge oughta be ashamed of herself.”  

    Trump advisor Stephen Miller has emerged from his crypt to make the case in non-goombah language. The President, Miller says, isn’t trying to deploy the National Guard to rampage through the streets of Chicago and Portland, terrifying ordinary citizens and shaking down neighborhood bars (in Chicago) and feminist yarn stores (in Portland). They’re going to protect federal agents who are trying to enforce immigration laws.  

    “This large-scale political violence is domestic terrorism,” Miller tweeted. “And it is the absolute moral and constitutional duty of the federal government to stop this terrorism, defend the lives and safety of federal officers, and protect the American citizen and nation by ensuring the full and unrestricted enforcement of federal immigration law in all fifty states.” 

    Cockburn, who lives in Washington, DC, has personally enjoyed the side benefit of having the National Guard around. He feels quite secure watching them walk past while he’s at his favorite Asian foot spa, or enjoying oysters at the Occidental. If only Portland and Chicago would willingly open their city gates to the Guard, and let ICE do its job relatively unimpeded. Things would calm down very quickly. Let the Guard cook, and then they, too, can enjoy the true feeling of liberty.