Category: Politics

  • Why is Bad Bunny performing at the Super Bowl?

    Why is Bad Bunny performing at the Super Bowl?

    The NFL announced on Sunday that Bad Bunny, the musician who just wrapped a residency in Puerto Rico, is now a hop, skip and step away from performing on the largest stage in America: the Super Bowl LX halftime show.

    “What I’m feeling goes beyond myself. It’s for those who came before me and ran countless yards so I could come in and score a touchdown… this is for my people, my culture, and our history,” Bad Bunny said in an NFL statement announcing the halftime show.

    Okay, but Americans are the ones in large part watching the Super Bowl – the same culture and country Bad Bunny chose to boycott when his world tour kicks off in November because of fear that US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) would raid the concert venues. As ICE operations have ramped up under President Donald Trump, Bad Bunny, whose real name is Benito Antonio Martinez Ocasio, has shown his contempt for it and the White House Administration. In June, he posted an Instagram video that expressed his discontent and anger for not “leaving these people working here alone,” in Puerto Rico. 

    “People from the US could come here to see the show. Latinos and Puerto Ricans of the United States could also travel here, or to any part of the world,” he told i-D magazine. “But there was the issue that… ICE could be outside (my concert venue). And it’s something that we were talking about and very concerned about.”

    It seems like quite a jump to go from keyboard warrior and boycotter of the United States to pandering for its premier sporting event. It seems that for Bad Bunny performing in the United States is a cardinal sin… unless you’re a featured solo artist. According to the NFL, this past year’s Super Bowl recorded the largest viewing audience ever with 127 million people watching across all platforms.

    Why was Bad Bunny even chosen in the first place? Musicians of all backgrounds vie for the opportunity to perform at a Super Bowl. Gone are the days of recognizable names with long careers – Prince, Madonna, Michael Jackson. Now, the NFL is chasing fads. And most Americans won’t even be able to sing along to this fad’s music.

    Bad Bunny will no doubt use the platform to advance some political point. It won’t be the first time in recent years the stage has been co-opted for this. At his Super Bowl performance earlier this year, Kendrick Lamar made subtle references to 40 acres and a mule, the unfulfilled promise of land and resources to freed slaves after the Civil War. Jennifer Lopez received flack after her 2020 halftime show for wanting to show the Puerto Rican flag and kids in cages, another dig at America’s immigration policies.

    Gone are the days of Americans simply enjoying a good show. Once upon a not-so-long-ago time, audiences could enjoy incredible musical acts rather than being force fed a woke history lesson. Who’s to blame? Jay Z. In 2019, the NFL signed his Roc Nation label to produce halftime shows. He’s been predictably one-note, and that one note is woke.

    The NFL shoulders some of the blame, of course. The league desperately wants to become an international sport (there are seven international games this year). Bringing in Bad Bunny is a ploy to grab the attention of a Spanish-speaking audience, which is being prioritized above the stereotypical burger-eating, beer-drinking bro culture that’s long been the sport’s audience.

    Make no mistake, the opinions of fans who made the sport into the Goliath it is today are no longer top priority. Globalization is here for America’s most popular sport, fan dissent or confusion be damned.

  • Why Chicago Teachers Union lionized a terrorist

    Why Chicago Teachers Union lionized a terrorist

    When I first saw the Chicago Teachers Union’s post honoring Assata Shakur, I thought it was a headline from the Babylon Bee. But no, this one was real, and beyond parody.

    The union, entrusted with educating Chicago’s children, used its official social media account to mourn the death of a convicted cop killer, calling her a “revolutionary fighter” and “leader of freedom.”

    Shakur was found guilty of murdering New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster in 1973 and later escaped prison, landing on the FBI’s Most Wanted Terrorists List with a $2 million bounty. To make matters worse, CTU Vice President Jackson Potter doubled down, declaring on X that “Assata was a freedom fighter!”

    The tone-deaf post is a glaring sign that the CTU can’t be trusted to educate children. While the union wastes time lionizing a terrorist, Chicago Public Schools are failing spectacularly. In 55 schools, not a single child is proficient in math. Taxpayers shell out about $30,000 per student annually, yet the system squanders that money on everything but effective teaching. It’s almost as if the CTU is competing for the title of most unhinged organization on Earth, alienating reasonable members in the process.

    This post should serve as a wake-up call for Chicago teachers who don’t share these extreme views. If your values aren’t reflected in honoring a murderer, why keep funding the radicals at the top?

    Thanks to the Supreme Court’s Janus decision, unions can no longer force public school teachers to pay dues, as it violates their First Amendment rights. Rational educators who simply want to teach can opt out and stop handing over their hard-earned paychecks to bosses like CTU President Stacy Davis Gates.

    Teachers can now get free personal liability insurance through the Teacher Freedom Alliance. That way, they keep more of their own money, stay protected, and cut off support for this insanity.

    Their post isn’t a one-off mistake. Stacy Davis Gates declared earlier this year at the City Club of Chicago that children in public schools belong to her union. Her X bio even proclaims, “The children are always ours, every single one of them, all over the globe.” But if kids truly belonged to the union, their leadership would be in jail for child abuse, given the horrifying academic outcomes.

    Remember 2022, when the CTU voted to strike and keep schools closed long after it was clear reopenings were safe? Those closures harmed children academically and emotionally. The union deleted a post claiming the push to reopen was “rooted in sexism, racism and misogyny.” Meanwhile, CTU board member Sarah Chambers was caught vacationing in Puerto Rico, thousands of miles away, while railing against returning to work.

    Stacy Davis Gates labeled school choice “racist,” yet she sends her own son to a private school. The CTU also reposted a video of a mock guillotine outside Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos’s house, stating they were “completely frightened by, completely impressed by and completely in support of wherever this is headed.”

    As an affiliate of Randi Weingarten’s American Federation of Teachers, the CTU mirrors national union extremism. Chicago Public Schools have morphed into a jobs program for adults rather than an education system for kids. Staffing has ballooned 20 percent since 2019, even as enrollment dropped 10 percent.

    The CTU operates more like a political machine than an educational advocate. It poured $2.4 million into electing former organizer Brandon Johnson as mayor. Now, Johnson holds the highest unfavorable rating in Chicago mayoral history, with nearly 80 percent viewing him negatively.

    Teachers deserve better representation. Parents deserve schools that prioritize learning over ideology. And children deserve a chance to succeed, not a union that honors killers while failing them in the classroom. It’s time for teachers to hold the union cartel accountable by opting out and starving the beast from the inside.

  • Why does Trump want Tony Blair to run Gaza?

    Why does Trump want Tony Blair to run Gaza?

    The former British prime minister Tony Blair is a man for all seasons, a political operator who knows precisely on which side his bread is buttered, the side of the super-rich oil and gas sheikhs and the well-connected elites of the Middle East. It is no coincidence, then, that his name has emerged as a potential candidate for a role envisioned by President Donald Trump’s administration: effectively serving as governor of Gaza if, and when, the ongoing war there comes to an end.

    Driving his candidacy is Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, who continues to accumulate vast wealth from investments backed by Saudi, Qatari and Emirati funds. Kushner is once again returning to mediation in the Israeli-Palestinian-Arab arena, though unlike during Trump’s first term – when he acted as an official advisor and diplomatic envoy – he now operates largely behind the scenes, wielding influence in a more informal but potent capacity.

    Alongside them, Steve Witkoff serves officially as the Trump administration’s envoy to the Middle East and other global conflicts, including the Ukraine-Russia confrontation. Collectively, this group – Trump, his sons, Kushner, Witkoff and Blair – shares a common thread in their extensive, interwoven networks. They operate in the twilight zone between the formal and the hidden, between the visible and the opaque. Their potential conflicts of interest are glaring.

    Their agenda is ambitious: to end the war in Gaza and establish a regional framework linking Israel with the Arab states, supported by Qatar, the Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Simultaneously, their companies, foundations and investment funds continue to receive vast sums from these very same states.

    In Israel, there is notable support for appointing Blair to head the transitional administration that would govern Gaza’s more than two million residents, 70 percent of whom have lost their homes in Israeli bombings and are displaced, cramped into tented camps. This administration is intended to replace the Hamas government.

    Should Trump succeed in compelling Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to accept his 25-point plan for ending the Gaza conflict, and Blair – keen for the post – is appointed, the role will undoubtedly extend over many years, until the Gaza Strip is stabilized and rendered liveable.

    “Tony is a worthy candidate,” Danny Ayalon, former Israeli ambassador to Washington and deputy foreign minister, told me. “He knows the Middle East intimately from his time as prime minister and from the other roles he has held since. He is acceptable both to Netanyahu and Trump and to leaders across the Arab world.”

    Even more enthusiastic about the idea of Tony Blair heading a kind of international management and oversight body is Ehud Barak, Israel’s former prime minister and defense minister. “I know him well and remained in contact with him even after our official roles ended. Although I haven’t met with him in the past year,” he told me. “This is a good idea that will allow Arab states, including Egypt, to create a kind of buffer between themselves and Israel. If a year ago Trump’s plan was to save Gaza and its people, now, after the destruction, Trump’s plan is in effect an attempt to save Israel from the quagmire – without the Arabs being criticized at home for essentially coming to Israel’s aid.”

    Barak added: “Tony maintains informal ties with the key players in the Middle East, and he knows how to use them as political and economic levers to promote stability and arrangements.”

    Yet not all in Israel welcome his potential appointment. Far-right circles remember his long-standing support for a two-state solution and fear that Blair will implement Trump’s plan, which envisions the Palestinian Authority – led by Abu Mazen, whom they view as a thorn in their side – as part of Gaza’s transitional administration. Meanwhile, extremist Jewish settlers continue to push for the destruction of the Palestinian Authority, annexation of the West Bank, the expansion of settlements and the displacement of its three million Palestinian residents to Jordan.

    The Palestinian perspective is decidedly cooler still. Many see Blair as a staunch friend of Israel. “Tony is clearly pro-Israel,” a senior Palestinian Authority official told me, “but we have few alternatives. If Trump succeeds in ending the war and channeling Arab funds into the rehabilitation of the Palestinian people, Blair is certainly a reasonable default choice.”

    The central question remains whether Blair is suited to this nearly impossible task. It should not be forgotten that he faced a similar task in the past – and did not succeed.

    Upon leaving Downing Street in 2007, Blair accepted the position of special representative for the Middle East on behalf of the Quartet (US, EU, Russia, UN), a post he held until 2015. His mandate focused primarily on Palestinian economic development and institution-building rather than political negotiations, and his tenure sparked debate over its effectiveness.

    Through the Tony Blair Institute (TBI), Blair has advised Palestinian institutions and Arab governments on governance, public administration and economic reform. TBI’s involvement in Palestinian projects, and its commercial links, have been a recurring source of controversy. Blair consistently emphasized the importance of building Palestinian institutions and economies as prerequisites for progress, at times prioritizing these over a visible push for immediate political settlements.

    In 2010, the Daily Mail published an investigative report connecting Blair to Wataniya, a Palestinian mobile telecommunications company launched in 2009 as a joint venture between the Palestine Investment Fund and Wataniya International (a subsidiary of Qatar Telecom, with JP Morgan involvement). The report suggested that Abu Mazen and his sons benefited financially from the company, and alleged that Blair had used his official position to serve the interests of one of his employers.

    At the time, Blair’s spokesman said: “Tony Blair raised Wataniya at the request of the Palestinian Authority in his role as Quartet Representative. He has no knowledge of any connection between QTel [Qatar Telecom] and JP Morgan and has never discussed the issue with JP Morgan nor have they ever raised it with him. Any suggestion that he raised it for any reason other than the one stated to help the Palestinians or that in some way he has benefited from Wataniya is untrue and defamatory.”

    The longevity of Blair’s mission stands as a stark indicator of the stagnation and bankruptcy of what is commonly referred to as the “peace process”.

    Yet for Blair to assume another complex, long-term role, he must clear the ultimate hurdle. Trump, his son-in-law and Witkoff must bend Netanyahu’s will, as the Israeli prime minister fears that any agreement ending the war could also mark the end of his own time in office.

  • Why the left wants you to be weak

    Why the left wants you to be weak

    For much of my life, fitness wasn’t optional. I was held to very specific standards and tested to confirm that I was adhering to those standards. I was a hockey player. In college, and briefly, in the minor pros. Most seasons began the same way: a searing battery of strength and conditioning tests – on-ice sprints, off-ice endurance runs, bench press, squats, pull-ups, all to termination. Scores aggregated and ranked, from first to last. Personal value was assigned to the scores. Coaches took notice. I trained accordingly and drew a portion of my self-worth from being fit.

    That mindset would serve me well after school, when I joined the US Air Force as a Pilot Trainee. I was medically discharged before commissioning, but while I was in, fitness wasn’t optional. Meeting minimums was required to stay in the program, to keep my shot at serving.

    I never saw a problem with any of this. And I certainly never detected anything political about maintaining high fitness. The first inkling I had, of something shifting culturally, was during a relationship I had in my 20s. I was dating an art school graduate from Denver. She didn’t understand why I worked out every day. I was training to meet Air Force standards. But she suspected vanity. She put me in a position I’d never been in before: justifying my fitness.

    That seed of fitness-skepticism I sensed in my girlfriend ten years ago caught me off guard. But it was a harbinger of a wider trend, which blossomed fully during the pandemic, entrenching itself as a bona fide leftist worldview in which fitness is held to signal vanity, privilege, ableism or even conservatism.

    Where did this worldview maligning fitness come from? The inception point likely begins with the body positivity movement. The movement wasn’t without merits, promoting confidence in a wider variety of body types, suggesting that desire and worth could be attributed to those whose physiques fell beyond the parameters of Kate Moss or Arnold Schwarzenegger. But body positivity went too far, embracing obesity, an oftentimes fatal condition, and fueling the skepticism I detected in my then-girlfriend.

    If body positivity was the inception point, the pandemic marked the crystallization. A line was drawn in the sand. Conservatives wanted to bullheadedly forge through Covid. Liberals meanwhile committed wholeheartedly to safetyism, policies that prioritized physical safety at all costs (social distancing, masking, vaccinations), and embraced a broader suspicion of physical risk and exertion altogether.

    But the point isn’t who was right about Covid – it’s that one political tribe embraced policies that promoted physical strength while another tribe, almost reflexively, embraced policies that dwelled in physical fragility.

    Perspectives towards fitness have sorted along the same ideological faultline. Conservatives embrace fitness, whereas a cultural current on the left, already suspicious of several fit cultures (soldiers, survivalists, jocks) increasingly reject fitness.

    Obviously, the divide isn’t universal. The left has its yoga teachers and thru-hikers with single-digit body fat, just as the right has sedentary pre-diabetics. But when fitness is assigned political value, the left skews toward unfitness, the right toward fitness.

    And that’s not to say conservatives have taken a universally admirable approach. Gym bros. CrossFit cultists. Roid ragers. The whole MMA thing. The right’s embrace of a performative, macho brand of fitness alienates large portions of the population, myself included. But when you strip away the tastelessness a core fact remains: to be fit is better than to be unfit, no matter the culture through which the fitness was attained.

    On most things, reasonable people can disagree. But not fitness. It leads to lower healthcare costs, to crisis response preparedness, to national readiness. Fitness extends lives and keeps people sane. To spurn fitness is to spurn a biological imperative, something no political framework can rationalize.

    Through much of human history, in most places and societies on Earth, fitness wasn’t negotiable, it was a survival mechanism. And being weak wasn’t a political position – it was a prospective death sentence. Ironically, the left suggests that fitness is a form of privilege.

    But to be unfit is the privileged position, to disdain fitness is only possible when danger and physical hardship seem far away – luxuries much of the world’s population cannot relate to.
    Yet, increasingly, the progressive left’s view on fitness is consistent with the progressive left’s wider worldview in which citizens are deemed too weak to do anything. Indeed, the embrace of weakness just seems to be the physical extension of a worldview in which every individual shortcoming is ascribed to an inherent and unavoidable weakness, which society at large must then accommodate. In this world view, weakness isn’t just tolerated – it’s a creed.

    And in the contemporary left, helplessness itself has social value. Being perceived to be disadvantaged confers currency. Increasingly, that same logic is being applied to the physical body, whereby weakness becomes a form of virtue, while strength is treated with suspicion. The trend here is plainly self-defeating: to build a society around weakness, physical or otherwise, is to build a society to fail.

    The downstream effects of embracing physical weakness are more profound than love handles or shortness of breath. People are dying. Obesity is an epidemic. The healthcare system is collapsing. Citizens are losing their resilience. Children are softening. The civilian-military gap is widening. National readiness is reduced. These are medical, cultural, and strategic failures – the root of which a portion of the leftist population has embraced.

    Fitness is a biological maximization that unlocks health, wellbeing, and happiness. We can argue about tax rates, foreign policy, and gun control. But there is no rational debate over whether strength is more desirable than weakness. The idea that general fitness is a vanity project, or a conservative ideal, needs to be dismissed wholesale. Our collective aim should be to field citizens who live healthier and happier. Who require less health care. Who are resilient and who raise their children to be resilient. Who, if required, could defend the nation. These are the ideals of a functional society, north star ideals for much of human history – and they require the acceptance of fitness as a civic virtue.

    I’m in my late 30s now. No hockey coaches or military recruiters yelling at me to do another pullup. The external incentives to keep pushing myself are less obvious. But I still wake up at four am to skate hard with my friends. I still sprint stairs and grind the stationary bike. I do it because I’m a better version of myself when I’m fit – not just a better hockey player but a better husband, father, and citizen. And there’s nothing political about that.

  • The Christian school revival

    The Christian school revival

    In Texas, empty church classrooms might just become new schools.

    On September 1, the state enacted the most expansive school voucher program in America. It will allow eligible families to receive up to $10,900 annually per student to be spent on private school tuition, or up to $2,000 to be spent on homeschooling. Students with disabilities could receive up to $30,000.

    The number of states with school voucher schemes is unclear, but governors across the country must decide whether to join President Trump’s new federal private-school choice program – the first national scheme, approved by Congress in July.

    In a recent study, economists Douglas N. Harris and Gabriel Olivier of Tulane University found that in the 17 states with school voucher programs, the funds had increased enrollment in private religious, and primarily Christian, schools with small student bodies – often 30 students or fewer. Overall, private school enrollment in voucher states has increased by 3-4 percent as compared to non-voucher states since 2021.

    If the trend continues and more states bring in voucher programs, enrollment in private Christian schools is set to rise dramatically.

    Emerging evidence shows that voucher programs are, in fact, associated with new private Christian schools opening or expanding. New Hampshire launched a school voucher program four years ago. Today, 11 of the 28 Christian schools in the state are either newly opened, or have grown by 50 percent or more. The same pattern is visible in Ohio. After the state’s EdChoice was launched, schools like Dayton Christian, whose enrollment increased by 106 students to 946, saw rapid growth.

    In Florida, voucher programs are fueling demand at religious schools, with schools like Mount Dora Christian Academy adding more classes and holding waitlists for almost every grade. Superintendent of the Miami Archdiocese Jim Rigg has said that the Archdiocese is actively discussing the opening or reopening of new schools, and is “moving into growth mode.”

    And while critics claim that vouchers will be used by wealthier parents and schools, private Christian schools in Texas have stated their intention to expand into rural, underserved and low-income communities with voucher funding. Texas, executive director of the Texas Private Schools Association, Laura Colangelo, stated that private schools are “ready and willing” to expand into such areas. Similarly, Don Davis, head of school at Second Baptist School in Houston, said that vouchers would allow his school to grow in low-income communities that currently do not have private schooling.

    “Our desire would be to provide educational equity to the families in Houston to reach those families that currently don’t have access to Christian Education,” he said.

    While critics fear that any expansion could hollow out public schools, it’s important to note that only a small fraction of students in any given state are currently able to use vouchers due to enrollment caps and eligibility restrictions. Even in the largest and most expansive programs, the share of students using vouchers hovers between 4-10 percent. We are nowhere near mass exodus levels.

    And building a new school takes years. Accreditation – a requirement for allocation of voucher funds – often takes several years. Even if voucher programs continue to grow, it will take time for private schools to meet demand.

    But the savings could be huge. The average smaller Christian school being funded by vouchers charges a tuition of around $5,000 per year – a much lower figure than the $15,000 that states pay per student per year in public schools. Each student who uses a voucher is actually saving taxpayer money and allowing more resources to be given to those students remaining in public schools.

    For parents turning to private Christian schools, education is about more than simple test scores. They often feel that public schools are failing their students – not just academically, but morally and spiritually. This is what many parents are seeking through school vouchers. They are not looking for ways to “get their child ahead” of the others, but are instead looking for an education that draws out everything they believe their children were created to be.

    Voucher programs, then, are not simply redistributing tax dollars; they are paving the way to the restoration of education as a whole. Through the creation and expansion of private Christian schools throughout the country, voucher advocates hope and expect that more students will have access to institutions that cultivate both academic excellence and moral formation. Such reforms are not just about choice, but about reviving the cultural and civic mission of education itself.

  • Andrew Cuomo is the lesser of two evils

    Andrew Cuomo is the lesser of two evils

    New York City politics has rarely offered voters a clean choice. This year, with Eric Adams out of the mayor’s race, the city faces one of its grimmest dilemmas yet: Andrew Cuomo or Zohran Mamdani.

    Let’s be clear – this is not an endorsement of Cuomo. The former governor has baggage that most voters can recite from memory. But politics isn’t about picking saints; it’s about survival. And when survival is on the line, sometimes the only responsible thing to do is choose the lesser of two evils.

    Cuomo may be corrupt, arrogant and heavy-handed. But at least he governs from a place of pragmatism. Mamdani, by contrast, represents the radical left’s fantasy of New York City – a city where utopian slogans replace hard choices, where affordability gimmicks mask fiscal chaos and where public safety is sacrificed at the altar of ideology.

    If that sounds harsh, let’s take a walk down memory lane.

    Do you remember the “Market of Sweethearts” in Roosevelt, Queens? That area became infamous for its open-air prostitution scene. It wasn’t just an embarrassment – it was a full-scale community crisis. Families couldn’t walk their own streets without being confronted by sex work, drug dealing and human trafficking.

    To his credit, Eric Adams at least tried to clean it up. Under Zohran Mamdani’s vision for New York, that problem wouldn’t just return – it would multiply. He would welcome prostitution zones as some sort of progressive liberation, never mind the devastation it causes to families and neighborhoods. Imagine the man in the mayor’s office not on your side, but on the other side of the football field, actively cheering on the breakdown of community values.

    That’s the reality New Yorkers risk under Mamdani. New Yorkers don’t need another cheerleader for decline – they need someone willing to stop the bleeding.

    Mamdani isn’t just another Democrat. He’s part of the Democratic Socialists of America, the same ideological club that gave us Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. He talks like her, governs like her and dreams of turning New York into a socialist laboratory.

    The problem is, New York is not a laboratory. It is a living, breathing city of eight million people – families, immigrants, small business owners, police officers, students – who can’t afford to live under ideological experiments.

    If Mamdani wins, AOC wins. And when the Squad wins, ordinary New Yorkers lose.

    Mamdani’s big-ticket idea of free buses sounds wonderful – until you do the math. The MTA already runs deficits and routinely comes begging for subsidies to keep the trains moving. Wiping out fare revenue would blow a hole in the budget the size of the Midtown Tunnel.

    Where would that money come from? Higher taxes, of course. The same taxes that already drive families and businesses out of New York. Mamdani calls it “affordability,” but in practice, it’s a recipe for fiscal collapse. Free rides today, higher taxes tomorrow.

    Then there’s his rent-freeze proposal, another crowd-pleasing slogan that sounds like relief but delivers the opposite. When you freeze rents indefinitely, you don’t just cap prices – you cap incentives. Developers walk away, construction slows and the housing supply shrinks. The result? Fewer apartments, higher competition and ironically, less affordability.

    For a city already struggling with housing shortages, Mamdani’s plan is not a fix but a death sentence. It’s economics 101, and yet the radical left refuses to learn the lesson.

    Crime remains the elephant in the room. Adams ran and won on restoring public safety, though his record is mixed at best. But at least Adams acknowledged the crisis. Cuomo, for all his flaws, has too.

    Mamdani? He wants to cut NYPD overtime, pair social workers with officers and further shackle a police force that, despite its imperfections, remains one of the best-trained in the nation. I am not opposed to accountability. No one serious is. But undermining law enforcement when crime is still a top concern is reckless at best, dangerous at worst.

    Ask yourself: do you want a mayor who takes crime seriously, or one who sees crime as a laboratory for social experiments?

    This is why Cuomo, battered and bruised as he may be, becomes the only defensible option. He won’t save New York. He won’t inspire confidence. But he won’t accelerate the city’s decline, either.

    Sometimes the best you can do in politics is buy time. Cuomo represents damage control. Mamdani represents a freefall.

    Conservatives understand this principle well because they’ve lived it. In blue strongholds, voters rarely get a candidate who reflects their values. But they can at least choose the candidate who won’t turn the city upside down. New York doesn’t need utopian dreams right now – it needs guardrails.

    Eric Adams’ collapse should be a wake-up call. His downfall wasn’t just about scandal; it was about a Democratic Party that no longer tolerates moderates. The radicals have seized the microphone, and their policies are poised to reshape the city.

    New Yorkers must now decide whether they want a radical experiment or a flawed but familiar pragmatist. That is not a glamorous choice, but it is the only choice.

    The “lesser of two evils” isn’t a rallying cry that stirs the soul. It’s not meant to. It’s the sober recognition that when faced with two bad options, responsibility demands choosing the one that will do the least harm.

    And in this race, that means Andrew Cuomo.

  • Will America outlaw Sharia law?

    Will America outlaw Sharia law?

    Florida Representative Randy Fine and Texas Representative Keith Self introduced the “No Sharia Act” last weekend in the U.S. House of Representatives “to ensure that no U.S. court, public agency, or legal institution can ever enforce or legitimize Sharia law. On X, Congressman Fine wrote, “You don’t get to come to this country and demand that our legal system accommodate your oppressive laws.”

    Meanwhile, Texas has operated as ground zero for the fight. On September 12, Texas Governor Greg Abbott declared on September 8 that Sharia law was illegal in Texas. In a post on Facebook the Governor wrote:

    “In Texas, we believe in equal rights under the law for all men, women, & children. Any legal system that flouts human rights is BANNED in the state of Texas. SHARIA LAW AND SHARIA CITIES ARE BANNED IN THE STATE OF TEXAS.”

    The Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) fired back, “The First Amendment guarantees that Texans of all faiths can freely and openly follow the personal rules of their religion, and no politician can take away that right… Like Jewish and Christian practices, Islamic practices in America can also encompass rules involving houses of worship, burial practices, estate distribution, and business contracts, which courts can and must uphold as long as those rules do not violate public policy.”

    No, they must not. The red line for courts is not “public policy,” but rather the Constitution and laws of the United States. It is therefore no surprise that on September 12, Governor Greg Abbott upped the ante, signing a bill to ban Sharia compounds in Texas. In particular, Abbott and Texas legislators responded to a proposal by the East Plano Islamic Center (EPIC) to plan a community of thousands of Muslims-only in Josephine, Texas, where Sharia law would dictate daily life, commerce and education.

    The notion that radical Islamist ideology or Sharia law must comprehensively govern Western society is a dangerous and anti-American viewpoint that would ultimately prove destructive to our civil liberties. A fundamentalist reading of Islamic law is at odds in several critical respects with core American promises of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. A century ago, Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson opined, “The law of the Middle East is the antithesis of Western law.”

    Consider the contrasts. The First Amendment is a cornerstone of American public life. Under Sharia law, freedom of speech and freedom of religion are a fiction. Non-Muslims are considered inferior to Muslims. Non-believers must be converted, and in some parts of the Middle East governed by Sharia law, “pagans” have been and are still being beheaded for their failure to submit to Islam.

    The Fourteenth Amendment, among other provisions, guarantees Americans equal protection under the law. Under Sharia law, men and women do not possess the same rights. Again, in some parts of the Middle East governed by Sharia law, women are not permitted a range of rights of privileges ranging from education to a driver’s license. Nobel Prize laureate Malala Yousafzai was shot in the head by the Taliban for her advocacy for women’s education in Pakistan.

    Article I of the Constitution protects the right to contract from state interference. Under Sharia law, traditional American banking methods and a range of American consumer goods are barred in toto. The charging of interest is forbidden; gambling is outlawed; and sales of alcohol, pork and carnivores are absolutely barred. Sharia law invalidates contracts involving excessive risk or uncertainty. This fall, a Houston imam launched Sharia patrols to warn stores to stop selling “haraam” (products prohibited under Islamic law) or face boycotts, demonstrations and community “educat[ion].”

    Under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, “the government may not enact laws that suppress religious belief or practice.” Of course, Muslims, including fundamentalist Muslims, have a Constitutional right to freely participate in their own deeply held religious convictions. However, under our Constitution, they may not impose their beliefs on others, certainly not on whole communities, and most assuredly not at the tip of a spear.

    American courts have no obligation to endorse Sharia law when that worldview conflicts with the long cherished fundamental rights of U.S. citizens, including the right to freedom of speech, freedom of religion, the right to contract and basic human equality. We are still one nation under God: no religion or sect can carve out an enclave exempting even the faithful from the protections or obligations of American law in these United States.

  • Des Moines school superintendent is not a victim of ICE

    Des Moines school superintendent is not a victim of ICE

    When the superintendent of Iowa’s largest school district was detained by ICE on Friday, the story startled parents, educators and anyone paying attention to the integrity of our institutions. Dr. Ian Roberts, a man with a final deportation order, allegedly fled law enforcement, leaving behind a vehicle containing a loaded handgun, a fixed-blade knife and thousands in cash. Yet for months, he led thousands of children, set policy for an entire district and enjoyed the prestige and authority that comes with public office.

    The question society must ask is unavoidable: How did someone with an outstanding removal order rise to the top of a school district? How did a man technically in violation of federal law gain the trust of an entire community?

    This is not merely the story of one man flouting the law. It is a story about systemic failure, a window into the erosion of public trust and a lesson about what happens when the rule of law becomes optional. Immigration law is meant to maintain order, fairness and accountability. When enforcement is selective – ignored for some while ruthlessly applied to others – the system itself loses credibility. That credibility is the backbone of a functioning society, yet in Roberts’ case, it was nowhere to be found.

    The first failure lies in bureaucracy. A final deportation order is the result of a legal process that should have barred him from holding public office. Yet somehow, the vetting systems that are supposed to catch such issues failed completely. ICE did not notify the school board, and the board apparently did not discover his legal status during the hiring process. Ordinary Americans face background checks and employment verification at nearly every stage of life. They show identification to get jobs, pay taxes and secure professional licenses. Yet here, in a position of immense public responsibility, the system looked the other way.

    When bureaucracies fail, it is the public who suffers. The lesson is clear: if the government cannot enforce the law at the leadership level, why should citizens expect enforcement anywhere else?

    The second failure is in public trust. Schools are institutions that require adherence to rules, standards and moral leadership. Parents entrust their children to teachers and administrators expecting competence, integrity and respect for the law. If children are told to follow rules while their superintendent ignores one of the most consequential laws in the country, the message is destructive. Hypocrisy at the top does not stay at the top. It trickles down, eroding respect for rules, authority and the social contract itself. Parents should be able to assume that the adults in charge of their children operate by the same standards they demand of everyone else. When that assumption is violated, confidence in the entire system collapses.

    The third, and perhaps most important, issue is selective enforcement. Justice cannot bend based on convenience, identity or social standing. Rules should apply equally to all citizens, regardless of occupation, ideology or demographic profile. Yet in practice, the powerful and politically sensitive are often shielded, while ordinary citizens are held to the full force of the law. That is the definition of selective justice, and it is corrosive to the idea of America as a nation of laws rather than a nation of preferences.

    The pattern is easy to recognize. If a white conservative school leader had a firearm charge and a deportation order, the media and progressive activists would demand immediate resignation. There would be op-eds and social media campaigns insisting on accountability. In Roberts’ case, there is caution, hesitation, even implicit deference. Identity, status and perceived ideological alignment appear to confer immunity. This is not about prejudice; it is about principle. Justice that applies to some and not others is not justice at all.

    Some observers are already framing Roberts not as a man defying a lawful order, but as a victim of ICE. This is identity politics in action: shielding misconduct because the individual occupies a “preferred” category. Conservatives understand that such selective leniency corrodes both public trust and the legitimacy of the law. Excusing wrongdoing based on identity, occupation, or political sympathy is not compassion – it is hypocrisy. And hypocrisy, once institutionalized, becomes a cultural norm, weakening the foundations of governance and public life.

    The Iowa case is a flashpoint, but the lessons extend far beyond Des Moines. First, immigration enforcement must be consistent and credible. The law cannot be optional, or it ceases to function as law at all. Second, vetting and accountability mechanisms in public institutions must be strengthened. Leadership positions, particularly those entrusted with children and taxpayer resources, should not be available to anyone operating outside the bounds of the law. Third, society must confront the corrosive effects of double standards. Parents, students and taxpayers deserve institutions that are honest, lawful and accountable – not institutions that bend the rules for elites or shield them from consequences.

    Dr. Roberts’ arrest is more than a scandal; it is a mirror of the erosion of authority in public institutions. Selective enforcement teaches children and adults alike that rules matter only when convenient. It undermines respect for leadership, weakens bureaucracies and erodes confidence in the system of laws meant to protect everyone equally. Conservatives understand that respect for the law is the foundation of liberty. When that foundation cracks, the consequences ripple through every corner of society.

    This is the real story from Iowa: a superintendent detained by ICE should be an anomaly, a cautionary tale about the consequences of ignoring the law. Instead, it reveals a pattern in which rules bend, oversight fails and selective justice becomes normalized. America cannot survive as a nation of laws if enforcement is optional, particularly for those in positions of authority.

    Until these principles are restored, public trust will continue to erode, and the next child, parent or taxpayer will see that rules matter only if you are powerless enough to be held accountable.

    Dr. Roberts’ case is a stark reminder: justice that applies only to some is no justice at all. Until the law is enforced consistently, America’s institutions – schools, government agencies and the legal system itself – will continue to crumble under the weight of favoritism, bureaucratic failure and selective leniency.

  • Why black voters won’t come around to Mamdani

    Why black voters won’t come around to Mamdani

    When Zohran Mamdani took the pulpit at Brooklyn’s Bethany Baptist Church last Sunday, he had a golden opportunity. He could have spoken to the hopes of black New Yorkers, their resilience, their aspirations for safer neighborhoods, better schools and paths to prosperity. Instead, the first thing he brought up was police shootings.

    There is nothing wrong with addressing police shootings. They are tragedies that wound communities deeply. But it is telling that when Democrats step into black churches, their reflex is to start with pain. They do not speak to us as whole citizens with complex desires. They reduce us to our wounds, assuming that the surest way to earn our votes is to rehearse our traumas.
    This is what I call “pain politics,” and frankly, I am tired of it.

    Black voters deserve more than to be treated as symbols of suffering. We are fathers and mothers, students and workers, homeowners and small business owners. We want what everyone else wants: safety, dignity, prosperity and the ability to hand something down to our children. Yet when Democrats like Mamdani seek our support, they lean on two tired themes: racial grievance and short-term affordability gimmicks.

    Take his proposal to freeze rents across New York City. At first glance, it sounds compassionate – protecting tenants from predatory hikes. But we’ve been down this road before. Bill de Blasio tried his version of it, and rents still soared. Landlords gamed the system, units dried up and working-class families were left scrambling for fewer apartments at higher prices. A rent freeze does not build housing. It strangles supply, discourages investment and leaves those at the bottom of the market with even fewer options.

    This is where a conservative vision must be bolder. Instead of clinging to policies that punish landlords and stifle growth, we should be championing policies that expand opportunity for renters while encouraging ownership. That means building more mixed-income housing developments that integrate working families into thriving neighborhoods instead of segregating poverty. It means reforming zoning laws that choke off new housing supply and keep rents artificially high. It means offering tax credits for first-time homebuyers and easing the regulatory burden that drives up construction costs.

    Most importantly, it means shifting from dependency to ownership. Freezing rent keeps people trapped in cycles where they are always tenants, never owners. Conservatives should be the ones saying to black families: you deserve more than survival, you deserve a stake. Policies that increase access to homeownership, expand voucher portability and encourage private-public partnerships to build affordable units give families a chance to climb, not just tread water.

    Contrast this with Mamdani’s broader message. Here is a young man from a privileged background, parachuting into black neighborhoods with lofty talk about “racial uplift” while recycling policies that have already failed. His vision is not one rooted in respect for the agency of black voters but in drafting us into his ideological crusade. He talks to us about pain, then prescribes prescriptions that preserve dependency. It is a pattern as old as the Democratic machine: invoke the wounds of the past, promise relief through government intervention and then move on once the votes are secured.

    Black voters are growing weary of this routine. We have noticed that the politicians who show up to our churches rarely ask about entrepreneurship, trade schools, or ways to keep our streets safe. We notice that they have far less to say about the values of family, discipline and education than they do about grievance and redistribution. We notice when our role in their story is reduced to victims in need of rescue, rather than partners in building a stronger future.

    The truth is, we are not waiting for politicians to save us. Across the country, black families are starting businesses, homeschooling children, buying homes and investing in cryptocurrency and real estate. We are pursuing ownership and legacy because we know dependency is not liberation.

    What offends me about Mamdani’s performance at Bethany Baptist is not only that it was condescending, but that it was unimaginative. To walk into a black church and assume the only relevant message is about police violence is to see us as one-dimensional. To promise rent freezes as if that is the height of affordability policy is to underestimate our capacity and our ambition.

    Black voters deserve more. We deserve leaders who speak to our potential, not just our pain. We deserve policies that expand opportunity, not band-aids that entrench dependency. And we deserve to be treated as citizens whose vote must be earned by respect, not assumed through grievance.

    For too long, Democrats have relied on pain politics to hold the loyalty of black communities. But pain is not a vision. It is time we demanded more than ritual acknowledgments of tragedy and recycled affordability schemes. It is time we demanded dignity, ownership and a politics that speaks to our future, not just our wounds.

  • Gavin Newsom’s fossil-fuel flip-flop

    Gavin Newsom’s fossil-fuel flip-flop

    Gavin Newsom once touted California as the fossil fuel industry’s “foe.”

    In 2024 he declared energy workers “the polluted heart of the climate crisis.” Together with Attorney General Rob Bonta he famously filed an outlandish climate lawsuit in 2023 demanding oil majors pay the costs of climate change.

    And under Newsom anti-energy lawfare has been coupled with burdensome environmental regulations, delays in permitting and punitive legislation such as a pledge to end oil drilling across the state by 2045.

    But now, a decade since the madness started, the strategy has turned out to be a dud.

    The “bold” climate plan has produced no reliable or affordable alternatives to oil and gas – and has even forced major refineries to up and leave. Phillips 66’s and Valero’s upcoming exits from the state spell disaster. The two refineries represent a significant percentage of the state’s refining capacity.

    With less supply and demand only increasing, prices will likely rise even further for Californians who already face the highest gas prices in the nation.

    That looming crisis has forced Sacramento to reverse course. California state lawmakers recently agreed on a sweeping energy and climate package that focused on affordability – and included plans to ease permitting requirements for up to 2,000 new oil wells per year.

    The move is proving popular even with members of Newsom’s own party. Democratic State Senator Henry Stern: “Call me born again, but I have seen the light on exactly what you’re [Republican colleagues] talking about. Kern County should be unleashed.”

    Kern county, where the new wells will be created, is home to about three quarters of the state’s crude production, and the new bill locks in approvals through 2036. It is a small step of certainty in a state that has created one of the most uncertain environments for energy investment.

    Matt Rodriguez, a longtime Democratic consultant, outlined Newsom’s current thinking, especially as the governor is rumored to be considering running in the 2028 presidential campaign: “The reality is that gas prices are higher here than the rest of the nation. That’s just undeniable. If there are storm clouds on the horizon, you can’t just sit there and ignore it… Any way that he can keep gas prices from ballooning, that’s his imperative.”

    The state shift on energy followed other legislative attacks on oil and gas that died earlier this year. Two bills advertised as “Polluters Pay Climate Superfund Act,” failed. They sought to impose retroactive fees on large fossil fuel producers operating in California.

    However, rejecting flawed ideas and passing emergency measures to keep refineries open will not, on their own, resolve California’s rising energy costs. Real solutions will require a more deliberate strategy, one that gives producers a clear reason to invest and operate in the state, rather than burdensome regulations and frivolous lawsuits that drive them away.

    Industry leaders saw this coming. Andy Walz, Chevron’s president of downstream, midstream and chemicals, told Politico that California officials have made the state “uninvestable” for companies like his and that it had been only a matter of time before a refiner pulled the plug. “I don’t think they believed the industry was in trouble,” Walz said of California officials. “I think they misread what was really going on, and it took some real action by some competitors to get them woken up.”

    California’s failed experiment should serve as a national warning. Newsom spent years pursuing lawsuits and bans instead of solutions, and Californians are paying the price. The Governor now faces a choice as he prepares for a likely presidential campaign: continue his pivot toward policies that stabilize supply and lower costs – or cling to failed experiments that leave Californians poorer and angrier.