Category: Politics

  • Is Antifa a terrorist organization?

    Is Antifa a terrorist organization?

    One side of the political aisle can only accuse the other of “fascism” so many times before a young, impressionable person subsumed within a social-media echo chamber takes matters into his own hands. This seems to be exactly what transpired in the case of Tyler Robinson: bullet shell casings found at the scene of Charlie Kirk’s assassination were reportedly etched with the words “Hey fascist! Catch!” Robinson seems to have been influenced by Antifa or Antifa-adjacent ideology. In response to the killing, Congress and commentators have renewed calls to designate Antifa a domestic terrorist organization. But this would have little effect.

    Antifa is a collaboration of autonomous cells with the ostensible goal of opposing fascism and racism. Described by former FBI Director Christopher Wray as “more of an ideology than an organization,” the group and its nodes operate secretly and communicate via dark-web platforms. And while Antifa has adherents around the world, it appears to be based primarily in the US. It is this lack of formal structure and domestic status that makes dealing with Antifa such a challenge.

    Formal designation as a terrorist organization is intended for foreign actors, such as Hamas, Hezbollah and ISIS. It provides for jurisdiction over entities located outside the US, allowing for freezing their assets and barring members from entering the country. It also provides intelligence agencies the go-ahead to conduct surveillance of such groups overseas, without the constitutional guardrails that protect the privacy rights of American citizens.

    As a domestic movement, Antifa cells and individuals are already subject to federal and state laws criminalizing intimidation, violence and other forms of terrorist activities. Existing federal law also prohibits providing material support such as money and other resources to entities that engage in terrorism. Applying a formal terrorist label to Antifa may grab headlines but provides no new tools for confronting the problem.

    There is the question whether designation would enable the surveillance of domestic actors without obtaining a traditional search warrant. In theory, this could help authorities more quickly monitor Antifa members with fewer judicial impediments. But one can easily see how such power could be abused to spy on American citizens. This would strip Americans the due process guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Once this guardrail goes, it’s hard to see it ever being erected again.

    This is not to say that nothing more can be done. The FBI and other law-enforcement groups should put more energy and resources into locating and infiltrating Antifa cells. They should be looking for money trails moving to these groups to fund violent attacks. They should be online to find Antifa working groups on the dark web. The real work will be in funding and staffing resources, making sure federal and state law enforcement and intelligence assets are working together, and bringing aggressive prosecutions against individuals who identify with the movement.

    From a political perspective, the push must be to quarantine Antifa-affiliated groups from social-media platforms. And young Americans must be taught to recognize the toxic nature of the group’s propaganda. While vigorous law enforcement will be essential in the short-term, the war against Antifa is a long one much more about shining a spotlight on this vile and destructive ideology.

    In the aftermath of a national tragedy, there is always an impulse by our leaders to show they are doing something to address the issue. But designating Antifa a terrorist organization is nothing more than low-hanging fruit. The real work lies in toning down the rhetoric and getting young people off the internet.

  • J.D. Vance presents The Charlie Kirk Show

    J.D. Vance presents The Charlie Kirk Show

    Charlie Kirk’s assassination was a shock to the conservative movement and a tragedy for those who knew him personally. For Vice President J.D. Vance, Kirk wasn’t just another conservative influencer – he was a close friend, a mentor and an ally who helped introduce him to donors and gave him a platform when he was still an unknown Senate candidate. Hosting The Charlie Kirk Show from the White House was, in many ways, a natural act of loyalty. It was also a rare moment of vulnerability from a politician often cast as calculating: a man honoring his fallen friend.

    But even in mourning, there is a temptation in politics that must be resisted – the temptation to turn personal loss into partisan ammunition. And that’s where Vance’s tribute stepped onto shakier ground.

    During the broadcast, Vance vowed to “go after” left-wing NGOs he accused of “fomenting and facilitating violence.” One of his guests, former Trump advisor Stephen Miller, sharpened the point, warning against “unfocused anger” while urging conservatives to direct “righteous anger” against political enemies. The message was unmistakable: Kirk’s death would not only be remembered – it would be weaponized.

    This is the wrong lesson to draw from such a brutal killing.

    No one should minimize the rage conservatives feel at losing a friend and ally to political violence. But the danger lies in making Kirk’s death the justification for sweeping crackdowns on vaguely defined “left-wing NGOs” or in portraying one side of the political spectrum as inherently violent. Such rhetoric may rally the base, but it also feeds the very cycle of polarization that makes political violence more likely, not less.

    The truth is uncomfortable for both sides: violence is not the monopoly of the left or the right. The left can point to January 6. The right can point to last week’s shooting in Utah. Neither side escapes blame. If conservatives want to honor Charlie Kirk honestly, we must be willing to admit that political violence is an American problem before it is a partisan one.

    That doesn’t mean ignoring ideology. Kirk’s own career was built on identifying ideological excess – especially in higher education – and rallying young conservatives to push back. But it does mean that in the aftermath of his assassination, our first instinct should not be to widen the political battlefield. Vance’s vow to “go after” NGOs raises more questions than it answers. Who decides what qualifies as fomenting violence? Will this drag in any left-leaning nonprofit that criticizes the administration or stages protests? And do conservatives really want to hand the precedent of government crackdowns on nonprofits to future Democratic administrations?

    This is the irony: in trying to honor Kirk, we risk betraying one of the principles he himself championed – free speech. Charlie Kirk was combative, sometimes divisive, but he thrived in the realm of debate. His strategy was not to silence his opponents, but to expose them, ridicule them, and out-organize them. For those who often disagreed with his methods, it’s important to note that Kirk himself built his career not by calling for government crackdowns, but by confronting his opponents directly. His approach was consistent: he thrived in the arena of debate, not in silencing dissent.

    If the conservative movement takes Kirk’s death as a license to wield the state against its enemies, it will be pursuing power in a way that Kirk himself never had. Worse, it will entrench the very culture of “us versus them” politics that makes tragedies like this more likely.

    The better path is harder but more worthy of Kirk’s legacy: to channel grief into discipline, not escalation. That means recommitting to building institutions that last, training the next generation of leaders and modeling the resilience that Kirk himself embodied. It means condemning political violence no matter who the target is, while refusing to let the other side dictate our terms of debate. And it means holding our leaders accountable when they risk turning mourning into opportunism.

    To be clear: J.D. Vance’s tribute was not malicious. It was heartfelt, and it reflected real pain. But as conservatives, we must remember that personal grief does not excuse political overreach. The state should not become an instrument of vengeance. The conservative movement should not confuse righteous anger with unchecked power.

    Charlie Kirk’s assassination is a wake-up call. It reminds us of the fragility of civil discourse and the dangers of living in a country where political opponents are increasingly seen as enemies to be destroyed rather than fellow citizens to be debated. If conservatives want to carry Kirk’s torch forward, we must not repeat that mistake.

    Let the tribute stand as a reminder of his energy, his influence, and his drive. Honoring his life doesn’t require uncritical agreement with his politics. It requires recognizing the movement he built and refusing to let his death be used as justification for more division. But let us also reject the instinct to weaponize his death. That is how we honor his legacy – not by escalating division, but by proving that even in tragedy, our movement can choose principle over vengeance.

  • Does Pam Bondi know what free speech is?

    Does Pam Bondi know what free speech is?

    Good morning Britain. Donald Trump is flying to the United Kingdom today for his big state visit. Yet his Attorney General Pam Bondi seems to be going one step further. She appears to think that America, like Britain, ought to now be a country where you can go to jail for posting memes on Facebook. 

    Katie Miller, hosting Bondi on the Katie Miller Pod, said that Kirk’s murder last week was what happened when college campuses don’t take action against or expel students who harass conservative speakers. Using anti-Semitism as an example of left-wing campus “hate speech,” Bondi claimed in reply: “There’s free speech, and then there’s hate speech, and there is no place, especially now, especially after what happened to Charlie, in our society.” 

    Does the Attorney General know that “hate speech” is protected under the Constitution? She continued: “We will absolutely target you, go after you, if you are targeting anyone with hate speech, and that’s across the aisle.”

    If this all gives you flashbacks to the days of social-justice warrior campus protests (“keep your hate speech off this campus!”) you’re not alone. Bondi didn’t elaborate on exactly what she meant by “targeting anyone with hate speech.” Did she mean people gloating over Kirk’s death, saying he deserved to die for his beliefs? That’s certainly hateful and disgusting, but is it illegal? Not in America.

    Bondi’s fudge, whether it was purely idiotic or a more sinister attempt to roll back speech rights, expresses an outlook totally at odds with Kirk’s: he didn’t believe in hate speech. The idea that words can be dangerous is antithetical to his belief in dialogue and open debate.

    And while the AG is going in on free speech, why not take on the free press as well? Trump announced that he’s brought a $15 billion defamation and libel lawsuit against the New York Times, singling out its endorsement of Kamala Harris as “the single largest illegal Campaign contribution, EVER.” You don’t have to like the New York Times – and Cockburn rarely does – to realize that a newspaper can endorse whoever it wants. This is a frivolous suit and one that demeans the office of the presidency. 

    It follows an active $10 billion lawsuit against the Wall Street Journal for its “bawdy Epstein birthday letter” story – a story that appears, for now at least to have been partially vindicated by subsequent developments, even if Team Trump continues to deny that the President ever drew the now infamous doodle in Epstein’s weird birthday book. 

    There’s also a defamation lawsuit against ABC (settled for $15 million) and an election interference lawsuit against CBS/Paramount (settled for $16 million). The Trump administration has understandable grievances against the many legacy media institutions which have for years smeared the Commander-in-Chief and peddled fraudulent tropes against him. But even if the White House thinks it’s constitutional to decide what these news outlets can and can’t publish, it isn’t. Trump voters may like the idea of “retribution” against the Fake News Complex, but almost nobody will have cast their vote for Donald Trump hoping he would clamp down on hate speech – something Kamala Harris would likely have done. Bondi ought to retract her statement immediately.

  • Trump returns to backwater Britain

    Trump returns to backwater Britain

    President Trump returns to Britain this week for his second state visit, to a country which is much changed yet depressingly still the same. On his first, six years ago, Britain had yet to complete its departure from the EU, Elizabeth II was still on the throne and the Conservatives still in power – with three Prime Ministers to go before their eventual ejection from office. He will no doubt receive a warm and dignified welcome from King Charles, whatever is going through the monarch’s head – the impeccable neutrality of the British throne has survived the change of reign. Yet the President will find a country that is anything but transformed by Brexit or by its change of government.

    Brexit presented Britain the opportunity to take a sharply different route from the low-growth track on which socially democratic Europe is trapped. Yet neither this government nor the previous one have chosen to exercise their new-found freedoms. Britain instead has become just another brand of European social democracy. It has a few new trade deals, not least a more favorable regime with the US, which it would not otherwise have. Yet far from controlling its borders, Britain has opened them up while politicians promised to do the opposite. Illegal arrivals in boats from France (who account for a small proportion of overall migration but a very visible one) have mushroomed, the government apparently powerless in the face of human rights lawyers. Few migrants even need to complete the crossing in their rubber dinghies – they are picked up and delivered to UK shores by coastguard patrol. Many are then put up in hotels. The public seems finally to have had enough: when an Ethiopian asylum-seeker was arrested for suspected sex offenses against a 14-year-old girl in July (he was later convicted) it sparked a summer of protests outside the hotel.

    But above all else, Britain remains trapped in economic mediocrity. Keir Starmer’s Labour party came to power in July last year promising “growth, growth, growth” – the same promise made by Liz Truss in her short-lived spell as Prime Minister in 2022. The economy failed to register any growth in July, and is up a weak 1.5 percent in the past year. In terms of GDP per capita the UK economy is no larger than it was at the time of Trump’s 2019 state visit. Moreover, the government seems to have few policies which are likely to achieve growth. On the contrary, one forthcoming parliamentary bill threatens to make it far harder to fire inadequate staff and will make it easier for unions to go on strike. Having escaped from EU regulation, Britain now seems intent on outdoing the bloc on job-destroying laws. It doesn’t help that the Labour government, in one of its first acts, awarded large pay rises to doctors, train drivers and other public sector workers without attaching any conditions to improve productivity. Rising UK government bond prices are a hint as to how dispassionate global investors see Britain: a country trying to live beyond its means, and consequently where inflation is bound to run ahead of other countries. Even Greece, thought of as a basket-case until recently, has lower yields on its long-dated bonds.

    Britain’s lack of confidence is there to be seen in the sinking fortunes of its governing party. Prime Minister Keir Starmer was never as popular as his huge parliamentary majority suggested – he commanded only just over a third of the popular vote last year, in spite of his party winning a handsome majority of its seats. Yet there is a serious possibility that Starmer will not make it to fight another general election due in 2029. He is deeply unpopular even within his own party. He has been badly damaged by two recent resignations: first of deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner, who admitted to underpaying tax on an apartment she bought on the south coats, and then that of US ambassador Peter Mandelson, after details of his close relationship with Jeffrey Epstein were revealed. Starmer, it seems knew some of the details but had chosen to appoint him to the job anyway.

    For the moment, the political future seems to belong to Reform UK and its charismatic leader Nigel Farage. The party is steadily displacing the Conservatives as the party of the right, yet is also picking up disaffected working classes in Labour-held seats. Not unlike the US, Britain is undergoing a political transformation in which the party of the right is becoming the party of the working class and the party of the left the party of educated professionals. Yet Reform UK only has five seats in the House of Commons, and has already lost two of its MPs elected last year, one of them in a very public bust-up. It is going to have its work cut out finding enough credible candidates to win an election in four years’ time.

    In the meantime, Britain faces a swing to the left. If Starmer is forced out of office his replacement will very likely be someone who favors wealth taxes and yet more regulation on business. Britain’s long economic night seems far from over.

  • The AfD’s mission to seduce West Germany is starting to pay off

    The AfD’s mission to seduce West Germany is starting to pay off

    The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party continued its westward march in popularity across Germany yesterday, securing third place in the local elections in the western state of North Rhine-Westphalia. Preliminary results show that, alongside the outcomes of mayoralty and district administrator elections which took place in the state, the far-right party won 14.5 percent of the vote across the 396 municipalities which went to the polls. The liberal SPD party came in second with 22.1 percent, while the CDU – the governing party in Berlin – secured a third of the vote, with 33.3 percent.

    The German Chancellor, Friedrich Merz, will be breathing a small sigh of relief at the results this morning. Although these were local elections, yesterday’s vote has been treated as a litmus test for the first four months of his chancellorship, and it seems he has just about emerged unscathed. But it would be a mistake for the CDU leader to think he is now off the hook until next year’s more significant round of state elections.

    While Merz’s Christian Democrats managed to cling on to the top spot in North Rhine-Westphalia, the party did marginally worse than at the last set of local elections in 2020, losing 1 percent of support. This is, however, the party’s worst set of local election results in the nearly 80 years since North Rhine-Westphalia was founded. More concerningly for the Chancellor, the AfD managed to nearly triple its vote share from 5.1 percent five years ago. These results are just the latest sign that, slowly but surely, it’s not just the former East Germany – traditionally the AfD’s homeland – that is falling for the siren song of the far right.

    While yesterday’s elections concerned the lowest administrative rung on the ladder of the German state, they were far from insignificant. North Rhine-Westphalia is Germany’s most populous state – about a quarter of the country’s population lives there, with over 13 million eligible to vote (including 16- and 17-year-olds). Voter turnout has been projected at nearly 57 percent – a 30-year high. A flurry of visits to the state in recent weeks by the country’s most prominent politicians, including SPD chairman Lars Klingbeil, prominent Green politician Ricarda Lang and even Merz himself, demonstrated just how important yesterday’s vote has been considered in Berlin.

    For Merz’s coalition partners, the SPD, last night was bleak. Winning just a projected 22.1 percent of the vote, the liberals are on track for their worst results in North Rhine-Westphalia’s history. Damningly, the party actually did better than polling done at the end of last month predicted by over four percentage points. That municipal elections in Germany often serve as a protest vote against the governing parties in Berlin is of little comfort to the SPD. Yesterday’s dire results led one of the party’s MPs, Ralf Stegner, to describe the SPD’s situation as “extremely dangerous – perhaps even life-threatening.”

    This set of elections was fought primarily on issues over which Merz and his colleagues in the Bundestag have little direct responsibility. Topics such as problems with traffic and the condition of infrastructure such as local roads and bridges cropped up repeatedly. Nevertheless, some themes – such as concerns over the increase in the cost of living and housing pressures in the state – tapped into a broader national discourse. 

    Predictably, the AfD took advantage of voter concerns surrounding the “integration of foreigners” into the local community as a proxy to once again form their campaign around the questions of migration. Poignantly, the town of Solingen, where three people were stabbed to death and a further eight injured at a festival by a Syrian refugee last summer, sits within the state. Tesla billionaire Elon Musk once again threw his support behind the far-right party, as he did in February’s federal election, tweeting at the end of August that “either Germany votes AfD or it is the end of Germany.”

    The local election campaign period was also not without its oddities. An unusual cluster of deaths of AfD candidates in the state in the run-up to the vote – seven in total – led to conspiracy theories, pushed by the party itself, that something nefarious may have taken place. No evidence has so far emerged, though, to suggest foul play in their deaths. 

    Ahead of the vote, Merz diplomatically promised to “draw conclusions” from the results and, more specifically, to use the lessons his party learns to take the fight to the AfD in the coming months and years. Among the many problems looming over Merz and his SPD coalition partners is a clear issue of demographics: just under 70 percent of over 60s voted for the CDU and the liberals, compared to 43 percent of those under 25. 

    If the two parties want to secure their political survival over the coming years, they will have to significantly broaden their offerings to younger voters. This won’t be easy: interestingly, it wasn’t only the AfD that scooped up a significant number of youth votes (11 percent): the left-wing Die Linke party secured support from 18 percent of 16-25 year olds. Berlin’s establishment parties are facing a political assault on both sides.

    As a microcosm of German politics, last night’s vote in North Rhein-Westphalia shows just how fractured the country is becoming. The results aren’t quite set in stone yet: with a higher than expected number of candidates failing to reach the 50 percent thresholds to win their seats, at least 147 municipalities and districts will hold runoff elections in two weeks’ time, which may yet shift the final vote shares.

    True to form, Merz has seemingly squeaked through his first electoral test as chancellor. His stuttering efforts to reset the narrative from Berlin following three largely disastrous years under his predecessor Olaf Scholz’s traffic-light coalition have yet to bear fruit – if they ever will. It is only then that the true test will come for Merz on one question alone: will he have become the chancellor who gave away power to the AfD?

  • Can Trump force NATO to step up on Russian sanctions?

    Can Trump force NATO to step up on Russian sanctions?

    The pipelines would be sealed off. The supertankers would be left in the ports, and the wells would have to be capped. When Russia invaded Ukraine three years ago, it was confidently assumed that sanctions on Moscow’s oil and gas industry would be so punishing for its fragile economy that it would quickly force Vladimir Putin to plead for a settlement. Unfortunately, it has not worked out like that. Instead, the sanctions against Russia have been widely flouted. In response, President Trump has demanded that NATO makes them stick. But would sanctions really work and cripple Putin’s war machine? 

    President Trump was in typically robust form. Over the weekend, he demanded that the rest of NATO enforce the sanctions that have been imposed on Russia. Quoting from a letter sent to all members of the alliance, he wrote on social media:

    I am ready to do major sanctions on Russia when all NATO Nations have agreed, and started, to do the same thing, and when all NATO Nations STOP BUYING OIL FROM RUSSIA. As you know, NATO’S commitment to WIN has been far less than 100%, and the purchase of Russian Oil, by some, has been shocking!

    If the whole of the alliance stepped up to the plate, he continued, the United States would impose far tougher sanctions on Russia and force a peace between the two countries.

    Despite the demonic language, Trump, as so often, has a point. There is plenty of evidence that the sanctions have been quietly ignored. According to the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, Turkey is the third largest buyer of Russian fossil fuels after China and India, followed by two EU members, Hungary and Slovakia. The EU itself is only aiming for 2028 for ending all contracts with Russia. And those, of course, are just the official figures.

    There is a booming trade in black market oil, with tankers routed through third countries to disguise its origins. The strategy Ukraine’s allies are imposing is clearly not working. Despite the sanctions, the Russian economy has been booming, with 4 percent growth last year; while some of that may well be artificial, it has hardly brought the country to its knees, let alone stopped the war in Ukraine.

    Of course, it is easy for the US to be tough on sanctions. It is self-sufficient in oil and gas – although Europe could easily be self-sufficient as well if it legalized fracking – and doesn’t need to import anything from Russia. Even so, it is hard to see the point of NATO if its members cannot stick together on this issue.

    Donald Trump has a point. It is not fair to expect the US to take all the pain of sanctions if other members can’t be bothered. And neither is there much point in ramping up sanctions if the ones that were imposed three years ago can’t be made to work. He is almost certainly wrong to believe that they will force Putin to capitulate or even persuade him to start serious negotiations. But NATO should at least try – because right now, the sanctions in place against Russia are a joke.

  • Is Prince Harry’s charm offensive working?

    Is Prince Harry’s charm offensive working?

    Over the weekend, Prince Harry attracted the best headlines and coverage in Britain that he has received for months – possibly since he and Meghan staged their abdication of all responsibilities and fled to Montecito in 2021. This was all because of his carefully choreographed charitable and public endeavors. The praise included “how easy he made it look” and how Harry had “stopped sulking and played a blinder.” Even the Daily Telegraph wrote that “it was genuinely gratifying to see Harry back in Blighty, doing what he does best this week” and urged Prince William to reconcile with him.

    This was exactly what Harry had wished for with his quasi-royal visit to his home country. In order to celebrate, naturally, he gave an exclusive interview to the Guardian, that well-known bastion of royalist sentiment, to mark his trip to Ukraine after his British visit. Those expecting revelations about his father after their brief meeting earlier in the week would be disappointed. Harry stuck to the party line, speaking highly of his work with the Invictus Foundation and his military service. 

    This made Harry sound like a respected statesman. It also certainly makes a change from petulant serial litigant, although I suspect that I am in the category of the media that he detests. He said to the Guardian that:

    It is only in certain elements of the press where you see this talk about me being down or saying I am not smiling. This comes from people who think they know what I am thinking and how I am feeling. They are wrong.

    Some of us have had to sit through Harry & Meghan, where he’s definitely not smiling, but clearly that wretched show was not a fair insight into his psyche. He sniffed instead that “I think parts of the British press want to believe that I am miserable, but I’m not. I am very happy with who I am and I like the life that I live.”

    The interview was positive – almost sycophantic in places – and included the attention-grabbing hint that Harry probably had a private audience with Zelensky during his visit. If that had been made public, it would have gone down poorly with the British government, who tend to frown on freelance diplomacy of that sort. Harry was asked whether he had regrets over any of his actions, and he responded with typical bullishness:

    I don’t believe that I aired my dirty laundry in public. It was a difficult message, but I did it in the best way possible. My conscience is clear.

    He refused to acknowledge that he may have been recalcitrant (“it’s not stubbornness, it is having principles”) and described Spare as “a series of corrections to stories already out there. One point of view had been put out and it needed to be corrected.” Well, up to a point, Lord Copper. 

    The Prince Harry charm offensive stands at an interesting crossroads. Many people would prefer that he were in closer touch with the royal family, less out of filial obligation and more because he might be easier to influence or control. He himself appears to wish for more regular family visits to Britain, saying, “I feel a lot of support from the British public. Even now, when I feel like I have been destroyed by certain members of the British press.” Even those who are now praising him are not spared. Instead, Harry remarked that:

    For as long as I have known, certain elements of the British press have tried to speak on behalf of the nation. I think they are out of touch with the nation on lots of things. They hope to bring the public with them, but… I think the British public can speak and think for themselves.

    Although Harry tried to conjure up his mother’s spirit in the interview, remarking, when it was said that he followed his own path, “You know who else did that? My mum,” I was also reminded of another America-based royal, the Duke of Windsor. Like Harry, he left the country because of his love for a divorced American; like Harry, he became bored in exile and started pining for England. While the former Edward VIII initially believed his people’s great love for him would see him returned to popularity, he soon discovered that their affection for him only went so far, and he ended up spending his days miserable and alone in Paris, with only Wallis for company. 

    It remains to be seen which path his great-great-nephew will take, but Harry might be well advised to bank the goodwill that he’s received from this visit, concentrate on mending relations with his father and wider family behind closed doors and then – and only then – give any more interviews. Otherwise, the whole process of blame, anger and media outrage is likely to repeat itself all over again.

  • The truth about Britain’s ‘Unite the Kingdom’ march

    The truth about Britain’s ‘Unite the Kingdom’ march

    On Saturday morning, I skipped synagogue and went to the Tommy Robinson march instead. By the time I arrived at Whitehall to collect my press pass for the Unite the Kingdom rally, the sun was shining and the stage was still being set up.

    I had optimistically planned to go straight to Shabbat prayers and return by 1 p.m., when the march was expected to reach its endpoint. But that proved unrealistic. So I stayed put, somewhat overdressed in a suit, and spoke with two Scottish women setting up tables of homemade cakes and snacks backstage. One told me she had been volunteering for Tommy Robinson ever since she first heard him speak about the Pakistani Muslim pedophile rings. Years earlier, her daughter had been raped. She hadn’t realized it was part of a broader pattern until she saw his work.

    I had come with some apprehension. The media had warned that this would be a far-right, racist march. I wanted to see it for myself. To talk to the people there. To listen to the speeches. And quite soon, as volunteers arrived and the crowd began to swell, it was clear this would be a day unlike any I had experienced.

    My husband, who is also my podcast producer, was with me to film for my YouTube channel. As we arrived, he reached into his pocket and took out a kippah, the Jewish head covering, which he wore all day. I wear mine only during prayer. Many greeted him with “shalom” or offered a hug. None were hostile. Those who started conversations with him were warm, friendly and candid. Most didn’t react at all. The only abuse he received was later, from a woman in the so-called anti-racist protest we passed on our way home. (He is a non-white immigrant to the UK.)

    The event itself was a varied mix of speeches, patriotic songs, short film clips and a black gospel choir. It culminated in a surprise live Zoom call between Tommy Robinson and Elon Musk, in which Musk called for a dissolution of parliament and fresh elections – a suggestion met with cheers. Robinson, in turn, praised Musk for restoring free speech on X, which had allowed much of his work to reach the public once again. There were tributes to Charlie Kirk, including a solemn minute’s silence that ended with bagpipes. Among the thousands of Union flags, some held photos of Kirk, visibly moved by his assassination.

    Most speeches focused on recurring themes: British identity, Christian heritage, the damaging effects of Islam in Britain and Europe, unassimilated immigration, and the scourge of pedophile rape gangs. The rally was framed as a defense of free speech, and on that point, it undoubtedly delivered. Many of the views expressed were met with rapturous applause and cheers. Countless people I spoke with expressed the same sentiment: people felt seen, heard, and less alone. They had long been told their views were racist, bigoted or ignorant. Now, they stood among thousands who were unafraid to speak freely, and proud to do so.

    “They think we’re common people and we don’t count,” said one woman attending her first Robinson rally. She had taken shelter under my umbrella as the heavens opened and a sudden downpour drenched the crowd, just as a dramatic Welsh preacher took to the stage and, with a booming invocation to Jesus, appeared to clear the skies once more. With all four seasons in one day, even the weather felt very British.

    Yet not all speeches sat comfortably. While the multiple calls to reaffirm Britain’s Christian foundations were understandable, one New Zealand preacher went too far, calling for the banning of non-Christian places of worship and halal food. A stranger behind us tapped my shoulder and joked, “Don’t worry, not you lot!” I laughed, but the speech left a sour taste. Later, a formidable Māori troupe performed a fierce haka, ripping apart flags of the Palestine Liberation Organisation and a jihadi banner. They ended by waving the flags of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to a roaring ovation. One sensed the crowd had tired of the other kind of march London has seen repeatedly over the last two years.

    It should not be surprising that a festival of free speech would include opinions that some find disagreeable. That is the point. For the most part, the speeches were serious and stirring, delivered by well-known figures of the right-wing internet. Katie Hopkins gave a characteristically expletive-laden address. Visibly emotional, Tommy Robinson delivered a carefully crafted speech, one that was both defiant and hopeful, addressing the social ills that had drawn the crowd together. Whatever one’s view of Robinson, it is hard to deny his determination. Again and again, he has faced formidable obstacles. Still, he endures, and the crowd adores his mettle. Victims and families of the rape gangs spoke with heartbreaking candor. A little girl who had been sent home from school on “culture day” for wearing a Union Jack dress captivated the crowd. Throughout the day, a steady procession of right-wing political figures delivered variations on the same message: frustration, anger, defiance.

    There was confusion over the size of the crowd. Helicopter and drone footage suggested a vast turnout, possibly over a million. At one point, an organizer claimed three million were present, though no one could explain where that figure came from. News outlets reported between 110,000 and 150,000, but that estimate did not match the enormous overflow of marchers filling adjacent streets, eventually surrounding a rather dismal-looking 5,000-strong counter-protest by PLO flag wavers.

    Whatever the number, it far exceeded expectations. Police maintained control for the most part and eventually guided the hard-left marchers out via Trafalgar Square. By day’s end, at least 26 police officers had been injured by protestors throwing planks, bottles and a traffic cone. At least 25 people were arrested.

    None of this was visible from where I stood. The atmosphere throughout was mainly jubilant, though at moments, palpably angry. The most frequently heard spontaneous chant was “Keir Starmer’s a wanker”, sung to the tune of Seven Nation Army. Putting aside the more extreme voices, the day was, at heart, a powerful expression of justifiable anger. Anger at political leaders who have dismissed the concerns of millions on matters that are neither fringe nor abstract but urgent and real.

    The government’s response the following day offered little reassurance. Peter Kyle called Musk’s comments “incomprehensible” and “totally inappropriate”. Keir Starmer said Britain “will never surrender” the flag to those using it as a symbol of violence, fear and division. Friends and family asked me, wide-eyed, what it was like, as though I had returned from some exotic expedition. But I had not been on safari. I had gone to Whitehall to meet a crowd of fed-up fellow Britons.

    This was a day of pride and dissent, of flags and forthrightness, of people who refuse to be silenced or shamed. That patriotic songs, open speech, and the waving of our national flag are now seen as dangerous by many in our parliament only ensures this will not be the last such march. I left the rally as the gospel choir sang Jerusalem, the anxiety I’d felt on arrival replaced by a warm sense of British pride and a quiet feeling that something is shifting.

  • Where is America’s 9/11 spirit?

    Where is America’s 9/11 spirit?

    Stark was the contrast between the selfless heroism and unity of purpose on and in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, and the nation’s reaction to the events of September 10, 2025.

    In abundantly obvious respects, the two days differed. Conservative activist Charlie Kirk, his wife, their two children, and the rest of his loved ones were the only immediate victims of his assassination on September 10.

    In contrast, Osama bin Laden’s hell-bound errand boys murdered nearly 3,000 Americans, saddled thousands more with diseases that later claimed their lives, and altered New York City’s skyline forever on September 11. America went to war afterwards.

    But the two tragedies, though they varied in scale, shared one key similarity that a disturbingly small proportion of the country has acknowledged: they both represented attacks on the very idea of the United States as a tolerant, pluralistic democracy whose citizens enjoy freedoms unknown to most of human history – including, and perhaps most importantly, the freedom to disagree.

    Kirk traveled to college campuses to try to persuade young men and women to adopt his worldview. For that crime, a madman sentenced him to death.

    The correct reaction to this horrifying act of vigilante injustice was modeled on the far-left by Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, who delivered a masterclass in how to honor his political opponents – and their shared country – in an admirably unqualified manner.

    “I want to say a few words regarding the terrible murder yesterday of Charlie Kirk, someone who I strongly disagreed with on almost every issue, but who was clearly a very smart and effective communicator and organizer, and someone unafraid to get out into the world and engage the public,” began Sanders. “Freedom and democracy is not about political violence. It is not about assassinating public officials. It is not about trying to intimidate people who speak out on an issue. Political violence, in fact, is political cowardice. It means that you cannot convince people of the correctness of your ideas, and you have to impose them through force.”

    There was no “But” in Sanders’s condemnation of Kirk’s assassination, no self-righteous enumeration of his countless – and doubtlessly vehement – disagreements with Kirk, and no attempt to put political points on the board. Only a sincere expression of condolences and articulation of unifying principles. All was as it should be.

    Sadly, Sanders’s words were made all the more moving by their loneliness. To be sure, an overwhelming majority of public figures, including on the left, condemned Kirk’s murder. But far fewer reckoned with the gravity of what happened in Utah last Wednesday, or responded to it with the gravitas the crisis demands.

    While the “rats” – vocal ghouls who celebrated the murder of an innocent countryman – are not a critical mass of Democratic voters, or activists, or even congressmen, that is not to excuse the behavior of some particularly shameful members of the party. Though they may not have popped any champagne after Kirk’s death, they betrayed their apathy toward it in other ways.

    The day after Kirk fell, Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) joined Mehdi Hasan for a session in which they – among other indignities – mocked the self-evident truth that Kirk believed in the power of civil debate. Reps. Dave Min (D-CA) and Eric Swalwell (D-CA), meanwhile, glibly attempted to make a political profit off of Kirk’s murder by misleading the public about the perpetrator.

    “Now that the Charlie Kirk assassin has been identified as MAGA, I’m sure Donald Trump, Elon Musk and all the insane GOP politicians who called for retribution against the ‘RADICAL LEFT’ will now shift their focus to stopping the toxic violence of the RADICAL RIGHT,” mused Min.

    “It doesn’t matter that Kirk’s killer was a straight white male. Or that he was from a Republican family that voted for Donald Trump. Violence has NEVER been the answer,” submitted Swalwell.

    Let the reader understand: authorities have identified the alleged shooter as a man “deeply indoctrinated with leftist ideology” whose partner was transgender. Kirk was shot while discussing the phenomenon of transgender mass shooters.

    While for understandable, if not entirely laudable reasons, some on the right have called for a figurative war effort in the wake of Kirk’s assassination. “Y’all caused this!” shouted Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL) at her Democratic colleagues following a moment of silence for Kirk on the House floor.

    It all amounts to a scathing self-critique of not the right or the left, but of a society so self-indulgent and siloed that hardly anyone inside of it can subordinate the interests of their faction after a national tragedy – not even for a week – to those of the wider country, or even to memorializing the man who died.

    Twenty-four years ago, Americans came together to face a common enemy. Today, they’re coming together on opposing sides of a battlefield, tragically convinced that their enemies have lived next door all along.

  • How Gen Z gender wars are reshaping America

    How Gen Z gender wars are reshaping America

    The colossal divide, long suspected, between men and women of Gen Z – those aged 18 to 29 – has been confirmed by a recent NBC News Decision Desk poll. Beyond just a political split, young men and women have completely different ideas of what makes a successful life. From marriage and having children to prioritizing a lucrative career, they are further apart than ever. And this has enormous implications for the country.

    A dizzying number of articles and think-pieces have been devoted to the enormous voting gap between young men and women in the 2024 election. Gen Z men overwhelmingly pulled for Donald Trump, women for Kamala Harris. The “podcast election,” as some dubbed it, reflects Trump’s multi-month media blitzkrieg wherein he appeared on some of the top, male-oriented podcasts in the nation. Trump proved he was relatable and one of the guys. Harris couldn’t get a male voter even if she bought them new F-150s.

    Men’s top issues leading up to the 2024 election were typically jobs and the economy, while women’s were often inflation and abortion. As the sexes siphon off into different media spheres, competing narratives are shaping their worldview. Republicans are portrayed by left-leaning media as ruthlessly out to snatch away women’s “reproductive rights,” while the Right calls every Democrat a Bolshevik out to smash capitalism.

    The aforementioned NBC News poll asked Trump and Harris-voting young men and women a series of questions to determine their hierarchy of values. Values such as “Having a job or career you find fulfilling,” “Having enough money to do the things you want to do,” and “Being married” were among the 13 they ranked.

    The split could not be starker. “Having children” came in as the #1 priority for men who voted Trump, but nearly last for women who voted Harris. For young men on the Right, family is still the gold standard – the fulfillment of adulthood and the marker of purpose. For young women on the Left, children barely register, buried beneath goals like career, financial independence and self-fulfillment.

    We see this split played out before us, too. Ella Emhoff, Kamala Harris’s stepdaughter, is the living caricature of the liberal Gen-Z girl. The artsy, boyish dog-mom is routinely fawned over in the pages of The New York Times and even has her new back tattoo gushed over by the press (it’s a big swan). At risk of sounding prejudiced, Ella Emhoff is probably not ranking marriage and children very highly.

    Young conservatives like Charlie Kirk and freshman Congressman Brandon Gill point to a different path. Both are young fathers, modeling a successful life that cuts against the grain of a culture obsessed with chasing cash and status, though both men have an abundance of the two. The difference is that they advocate for and recognize marriage and family as being the highest, most fulfilling pursuits.

    Not all conservatives are convinced of this, however. Even Trump-voting women did not rank marriage and children particularly highly. This may just reflect decades of feminist propaganda (a woman needs a man like a fish needs a bicycle) – a cultural diet that convinced women that motherhood is drudgery and self-realization found only in doing spreadsheets in a cold high-rise. The poison took root, for generations.

    The poll tells us what many already sense: money has replaced family as the central aspiration. Inverting the natural order carries consequences. When meaning is sought first in wealth, many will learn that the economic system, and in truth, no economic system, can deliver what they demand.

    This is why young Americans now favor socialism more than capitalism. A recent survey found that over 60 percent of Gen Z has a positive view of socialism, and one-in-three have the same opinion about communism. In turn, half of all Americans disapprove of capitalism. The socialists are tigers crouching at the door. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Zohran Mamdani, and the like are one market crash away from sweeping into power.

    Even young voters who once backed Trump may, in time, sour on the economic system he champions. A growing number of nationalists already argue that unfettered capitalism undermines the common good. The European model – free markets coupled with expansive social programs – may not be far off, embraced by both the Left and the Right.

    When family is treated as an optional lifestyle choice rather than that which gives life its purpose, the results are predictable: a surrender to the loneliness of life, expecting it to be placated by a slightly bigger apartment or that extra vacation to Europe. The pursuit of career and financial security fills the gap only briefly, and when it fails to deliver the deeper meaning provided by family, faith and community, the disappointment curdles into political anger.
    In that sense, the poll is a reflection of the deeper disintegration of American life. A nation can recover from bad leaders or economic downturns, but it cannot survive eternal childlessness. Just ask Russia or South Korea.

    If marriage and children remain afterthoughts, then the story of our time will not be one of renewal or making anything great again, but of decline, with politics reduced to fulfilling a spiritual void in a culture that has lost the will to carry itself forward.