Category: International

  • US ‘covert ops’ in Greenland

    US ‘covert ops’ in Greenland

    A crack has developed in the NATO alliance, but surprisingly it has nothing to do with Ukraine. On Wednesday, the Danish foreign minister summoned the American envoy to answer for allegations that US citizens were carrying out covert influence operations in Greenland. According to reports, the men were seeking to incept a Greenlandic liberation movement meant to “pave the way for a US takeover” of the world’s largest island. They compiled lists of potential secessionist recruits who would support becoming part of the United States, going so far as to cultivate contacts during repeat visits to Greenland. Research was also done into those on the island who may fervently oppose such an alteration of the status quo, a far less routine action. Additionally, the men trolled for stories from locals that paint Danish control in a negative light, hoping to promote division and discord.

    Although the men were not named in the thoroughly-sourced Danish media report, other outlets have since made guesses as to their identities. Interestingly enough, the two most-named men both have ties to the Trump administration. One, businessman Tom Dans, was an Arctic advisor during the first Trump term and runs a nonprofit promoting closer ties with Greenland. The other, Drew Horn, was a Republican advisor and now leads a rare earth minerals company. Each have made visits to Greenland since January, when Trump was inaugurated. Both America and Denmark agree that the men in question were acting as private citizens, but Washington has not denied their informal connections to the administration nor disavowed their purported mission. Instead, the president’s press team has told the Danes to “calm down” and not overreact to the incident.

    This controversy comes after months of back-and-forth over the future of the semi-autonomous Danish possession, with the Trump administration desiring American control of Greenland for economic and security purposes. As is becoming fairly commonplace with this president, this is a good idea, but sorely lacks in execution.

    Greenland’s geographic location makes it a key cog in America’s defense architecture, controlling access into the Atlantic from the north or the Arctic from the south. It sits astride the most likely path for Russian nuclear missiles heading toward the continental United States and already hosts an important American military presence at Pituffik Space Base. It is rife with unexploited fossil fuel reserves and hosts one of the biggest rare earth mineral deposits on the planet. As Arctic shipping becomes more cost-effective, Greenland will be primed to exploit it. It is sparsely populated and lightly defended by a Danish government that sits thousands of miles away. And it is rapidly becoming a geopolitical battleground.

    Both China and Russia have significantly grown their Arctic presence in the past few years, seeking avenues for economic growth, power projection, and militarization. Behind Canada, Russia hosts the longest Arctic coastline and has traditionally been the power most engaged in the region, especially for military purposes. China has no Arctic connection to speak of, but this has not stopped Beijing from building icebreakers and conducting suspect “research” trips in the region, usually near American territory. China has also encroached into Greenland, seeking mining rights, economic concessions, and political influence. Denmark, as a small European nation, is simply unprepared to deal with these rising threats.

    The Danes have recognized this reality, signing new agreements with the US on Greenlandic defense. But this is not enough. American security in a newfound era of great power conflict relies in part on Greenland. It can either serve as the Western Hemisphere’s soft underbelly or it can become an unsinkable aircraft carrier and bulwark against enemy belligerence.

    American policymakers should prefer the latter. The US is better positioned to bring Greenland into the 21st-century economic and security architecture; it has more money to spend on defense, it is more implicated by an unstable Greenland, it has greater ability to extract resources, and it can do more to improve the lives of Greenlanders. By ramping up Washington’s military presence, including stationing ballistic missile defenses therein, the security of both Greenland and America will be greatly enhanced.

    Hosting troops is no guarantee of future cooperation or integration, as the US recently found out vis a vis the critical Diego Garcia airbase in the Chagos Archipelago, which the UK unnecessarily transferred to Mauritian sovereignty – a nation heavily infiltrated by Beijing. Denmark does not seem to be on this path, but politics can change in an instant. A greater degree of US control is required to avoid that outcome.

    America has a long history of peaceful territorial expansion. Indeed, there have been multiple attempts to purchase Greenland itself, notably by Harry Truman in 1946. But American objectives do not necessitate annexation. Greater influence could be found with a joint US-Denmark condominium over the island, a permanent lease agreement, or a Compact of Free Association with an independent Greenland, similar to those Washington has with a variety of Pacific islands. All would be challenging for Copenhagen to accept, but there is potential here.

    Denmark could retain mineral royalties, earning millions annually on exploration that US companies carry out. It could allow the Danes to focus on Europe and become a leader in NATO’s continental defense. And it would save Danish taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars in annual subsidies paid to Greenland. For Greenlanders, greater US influence would vastly improve their standard of living, including through direct annual payments, interest in resource exploitation, and the power of the American passport.

    This would be a win-win outcome. And yet the Trump team has seemingly found a way to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. Denmark is a solid NATO ally. It should be treated as such, even if America desires something that Copenhagen may be hesitant to provide. If the president really does want America to expand its Greenlandic presence – and he should – his tactics need updating. As the old adage says, you catch more flies with honey than vinegar.

  • Trump’s big Bolivia opportunity

    Trump’s big Bolivia opportunity

    After nearly two decades of reign over Bolivia, the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party was banished at the ballot box on August 17. Its fall is a dramatic political realignment to the right for Bolivians, and a rare opportunity for the United States to reform relations with a geopolitically critical nation. As one expert, Leonardo Coutinho, told us, “The Trump administration can not only contribute to the restoration of democracy but also play a central role in dismantling a fully functioning narco-state.”

    Despite its 25 percent inflation rate and a 93 percent debt-to-GDP ratio, Bolivia is rich in natural resources, boasting some of the world’s largest lithium reserves, making it an attractive target for both American and Chinese grand strategies. Until now, the incumbent socialists aligned Bolivia with the anti-US alliance of China and Venezuela and created a lawless environment for cartels and criminal gangs to prosper. President Trump can reverse this to secure US supply chains and wound anti-American influence in a heavily contested theater.

    Mining developments have stalled under MAS mismanagement and red tape. Backed by Beijing and its broader strategy to dominate technology-critical supply chains, Chinese firms greased the palms of MAS legislators to secure privileged access to more than a billion dollars’ worth of lithium. Regulations restrict American investors, forcing them to form joint ventures with state-owned firms, strangling American-capital inflows. Hypercentralized China, meanwhile, with its ability to deploy large sums of capital with little regard to short-term costs, has constantly secured billionaire investments. Competition for mining bids long shaped Bolivia’s political system, encouraging mass corruption in a nation reliant on mining for income. This has empowered China and stalled US growth. 

    Bolivia’s ousted socialist government had also long extended its hand to Nicolás Maduro’s Venezuela. Worse yet, Venezuelan criminal elements have infiltrated Bolivia’s weak borders, turning it into a transit center for illicit activity, which has empowered the presence of Tren de Aragua, the Venezuelan gang that the US Department of State rightly designated a foreign terrorist organization this year. Evo Morales and Luis Arce also transformed Bolivia into a hub of cocaine production by enacting laws that expanded coca cultivation. The resulting drug trade has not only fueled smuggling into the United States but has also undermined stability in Brazil, Argentina, and across the continent at large.

    America First Policy Institute’s Melissa Ford Maldonado, who served as an electoral observer during the Bolivian election, told The Spectator that “This moment is not unique to Bolivia, but a part of a larger shift across our hemisphere.” She went on: “From Argentina to Ecuador, and now Bolivia, with elections ahead in Chile, Honduras, Costa Rica, Colombia, Brazil and beyond, people are turning away from the false promises of socialism and authoritarianism, and demanding real sovereignty, accountability, and change. The fight for democracy in the Americas may not be easy, but it is winnable, and it’s already happening.”

    Leonardo Coutinho, the executive director of the western hemisphere-focused Center for a Secure Free Society adds that the US has the unique opportunity “to support Bolivia in a process of institutional reconstruction that frees it both from the ideological legacy of Bolivarianism and from the capture exercised by narcotrafficking across different dimensions of national life, ranging from the illicit economy to the presidency itself.” Coutinho warned, however, that the MAS leader Evo Morales “remains a relevant political force.”

    To seize this opportunity, Trump must prepare a trade deal with Bolivia. In such a deal, Trump can leverage a current 15 percent reciprocal tariff, American development financing and access to the US market in exchange for US firms being allowed to acquire and operate mines in Bolivia.  

    Both viable MAS alternatives – Quiroga and Paz Pereira – appear open to this path. The task for Trump is simply to extend his hand while exerting the pressure needed to make it real. Coupled with this effort, the Trump administration can encourage renewed investigations into China’s lithium deals – leveraging the Bolivian case in its wider competition with the most formidable competitor the US has had in history. 

    The US’s diplomatic offensive, for which we still need a Senate-approved ambassador, should also push for renewed security partnerships to fight transnational terrorist organizations. Here, Trump can enlist the support of Argentine president Javier Milei, also the president of a once-leftist country leading a US realignment

    Such an approach would strengthen US credibility across South America and anchor Bolivia within a broader network of partners – providing a much-needed counterweight to the region’s socialist bloc.

    Trump has the chance to pull Bolivia back into America’s orbit and set the stage for shared prosperity. With decisive action, he can lock down lithium supply chains, break the grip of cartels and open a new chapter for the region – one in which the US proves it can lead not only by putting itself first, but also by lifting its neighborhood with it.

  • Can India’s economy survive Trump’s 50 percent tariffs?

    Can India’s economy survive Trump’s 50 percent tariffs?

    President Trump’s 50 percent tariffs on India kicked in yesterday. The timing could not be worse: in May, India overtook Britain, Germany and Japan to become the fourth largest economy in the world. According to a report by EY only this week, it was already set to become the second largest globally by 2038, behind only China. After a decade of liberalization and rapid industrialization, it has witnessed exceptionally strong growth. And now, it looks like Donald Trump may kill off the Indian economic miracle.

    Over the last 20 years, India’s growth has averaged 6.9 percent, a rate that puts almost every other country in the world firmly in second place. A generation of Indian multinationals has emerged, and over the last five years alone, the benchmark BSE Sensex equity index has more than doubled. With a healthy demographic – the median age is just 28 – there was a strong argument that it was only a matter of time before it overtook China as the main rival to the US. 

    American tariffs look likely to kill Indian economic growth stone dead

    And yet that could be about to end. The US has imposed tariffs of 50 percent on everything India sells to them. The reason? It already faced 25 percent levies, like most other countries, but President Trump has imposed an extra 25 percent to punish it for importing oil and other commodities from Russia.

    This will hurt. India exports goods worth $86 billion a year to the US, and while some sectors such as pharmaceuticals will be exempt from the full 50 percent rate, around two-thirds will be subject to the full tariff. Exports to the US are about to fall off a cliff. That will be bad enough. But the knock-on impact will be just as serious. With what effectively amounts to a trade embargo in place, business ties with the US will start to wither away, investment will be hammered and Indian companies and entrepreneurs will be frozen out of the world’s most important market. 

    Of course, India can start to mitigate that. It has long-standing links with Russia that stretch back to independence, but it can gradually sever those. It has been buying up cheap Russian energy that was sanctioned elsewhere in the world, and while that was an attractive deal – so long as you don’t mind funding the war in Ukraine that is – there is plenty of oil and gas available on the global market. But given that Russia supplies 40 percent of its oil, that will take time, and it will lose an ally in the process.

    American tariffs look likely to kill Indian economic growth stone dead. It could take many years to recover from that – and until then China will extend its lead over its main emerging rival.

  • Where did it all go so wrong for Britain?

    If I had to summarize, in a word, the mood of Britain in 2025, I’d probably plump for fraught. It’s not just the protests against illegal migrants in hotels, or the apparent collapse of the political parties which have governed us for so long, or the anger for and against free speech.

    There is something in the air that I can’t quite recall having sniffed before, the kind of crackle that might be quite exciting or intriguing if you were standing a little bit further back from it, flicking through the pages of a history book, maybe. But it’s rather different to live through it.

    People like me, and probably you over in America, were socialized in a more stable and reliable world, where everyone and everything muddled along. So we find it very hard to adjust to the return of history with a capital H.

    That lost age on the domestic front in Britain, which lasted from about the end of the miners’ strike in 1985 up to the subprime crunch of 2008, was the era in which we assured ourselves that “things will sort themselves out.” We told ourselves that things would probably turn out fine; there was nothing much you can do about it, after all, so best just to potter along. No one wanted to run about squawking like Chicken Licken, who thought the sky was falling in.

    This complacency was justified, because often – in that curious interregnum, which we mistook for how things were just going to be from now on – things often did sort themselves out, or at least they appeared to.

    How quaint Britain’s big worries of the 1990s now seem

    How quaint Britain’s big worries of the 1990s now seem! Let’s look back thirty years to the big news stories of 1995. Nick Leeson crashed the stately old Barings Bank, a soccer player kung fu kicked a fan at Selhurst Park stadium, pubs stayed open for the first time on Sunday afternoons, and Princess Diana granted TV interviews. Ethnic strife and economic murk were forgotten, things of the past. It’s dizzying to realize that this was the country, presided over by John Major’s slightly hapless Conservative Government, that Tony Blair’s 1997 slogan “things could only get better” came from.

    True, it was often the boring people during boring times who led us to where we are now. The subsequent first term of Tony Blair was also colossally dull, at least on the home front. But under that screen of fog, it ripped up and tore apart centuries of vital constitutional structure. We looked away, to Big Brother and Eminem as much that we rested so blithely upon was smashed up, boringly. Net migration, for example, rose from 48,000 in 1997 to 273,000 in 2007, reflecting the cumulative impact of incredibly tedious policies that nobody looked at. Were the results of that ever likely to just sort themselves out?

    Where are we now? The years since 2008 have been ever more rancorous and turbulent. It’s been tempting to cling on to our illusions, and imagine we will somehow drift back to the age of security. Perhaps we’re imagining it all – after all, we still live (mostly) uneventful lives in an affluent, if retrenching, society.

    But I fear we are just at the start of a return of ferments and upheavals, with our foundations seriously weakened. World politics is slipping back to the age of empires, with the big difference that this time we haven’t got one. We are back in the world of Shakespeare’s history cycles; endless battles, reverses, false hopes, the strange alliances of sworn enemies. It rumbles on and on and on, with the little people tossed about in the tides, grabbing whatever driftwoods of solace that they can.

    And that is not unusual. Crack open any history book. It’s the natural state of things.

    When Keir Starmer’s Labour got in last year, we had a good old laugh at clownish figures like the liberal journalist Otto English, who tweeted tweely that the “quiet” was going to be such a refreshing change. “For the first time in many of our lives, actually Britain looks like a little haven of peace and stability,” said the veteran newsman Andrew Marr on Question Time. He might as well have donned a flashing neon sign reading HOSTAGE TO FORTUNE.

    But. If we are feeling honest, and generous – and I do have occasional twinges of both – those of us of the same generation as such silly people can understand the impulse, their longing to believe in the return of the apparent stillness of our young adulthood (even if it was at least partly illusory).

    Now even Tory-in-name-only Lord Finkelstein is admitting that he’s had his doubts all along, writing in the London Times of the simmering atmosphere of 2025. “People’s failure to live and let live baffles me,” he says. On the immediate level, that sentence terrifies me; that someone so divorced from the basic reality of human beings could have been attached to the Conservative Party. But I understand too, because I also come from that world and that lost “family of man, Kumbaya, it’ll be fine” age.

    Believing what is convenient or reassuring rather than what’s true is great, so long as you can afford it. Continuing with it when you can’t is disastrous. For all we know, the Britain of 2025 may look like a paradise to the Britons of 2055. And that’s the scariest thing.

  • Will Kim Jong-un meet with Trump?

    Hours after his first bilateral meeting with Donald Trump earlier this week, the South Korean President Lee Jae-myung admitted that he feared that his one-to-one would become a “Zelensky moment.” Although the reality was far from the case, it made for somewhat vomit-inducing listening. 

    As Lee showered Trump with praise for his handling of North Korea during his first term, Trump’s ego ballooned one sentence at a time. Monday’s episode was a clear example of how Trump likes diplomacy to be done, but for all Trump and Lee’s calls for talks with Kim Jong Un, both leaders will face the obstacle of North Korea’s recent affirmations of its lack of interest in dialogue with its Western adversaries. 

    As the two leaders took their seats in the Oval Office, the South Korean President began his charm offensive. He had done his homework, having read The Art of Deal and seen Trump’s bilateral meetings with other world leaders. The left-wing Lee lauded his anything but left-wing counterpart for the recent high reached in the US stock market as well as Trump’s handling of North Korea during his first term in office. Only through Trump’s intervention, Lee said, would “a new era of peace” on the Korean Peninsula be realized, going as far as to say that the “only person” who can “make progress” on the North Korea issue is the US President. 

    To hear these claims emanating from the mouth of the recently elected left-wing populist leader was a surprise. After all, this is a man who, long before his election on June 3, had criticized the presence of US forces stationed in South Korea as “occupying forces” and called military exercises between Washington, Tokyo and Seoul – a vital component of deterring North Korea – a “defense disaster.” Even on his flight to Washington, Lee mentioned his discomfort at the possibility of US troops stationed in Seoul playing a wider regional role, amidst Trump’s ongoing claims of prioritizing deterring China over North Korea. 

    Pyongyang is happy to halt and restart its delinquency if it does not get what it wants

    In the White House, however, it was as if the world saw a different Lee Jae-myung. But time will tell as to whether Lee is as committed to what he calls the “future-orientated alliance between South Korea and the United States” and in what ways. His past statements have been the antithesis of subtlety, and he is a shrewd politician after all.

    North Korea featured more than many expected in the meeting, but it remains one of the only areas in which Lee can attempt to implement his agenda of reconciliation with the hermit kingdom. Had he not mentioned North Korea, the first bilateral summit with Trump would have been a missed opportunity to push for his desire for inter-Korean reconciliation, not least given the US President’s willingness to gloat about his “good relationship” with Kim Jong-un. How better to say – not completely in jest – that he hoped that a Trump Tower would be built in North Korea, where he could play golf.

    Whilst Trump once again erroneously stated how there were over 40,000 US troops in South Korea (there are approximately 28,500), he was correct to argue that had he been in power over the past four years, North Korea may have paused some of its missile testing and Kim Jong-un might have even decided to meet Trump again. Yet, Pyongyang would not have taken any steps towards denuclearization, a word which concerningly featured only twice in the entire Oval Office dialogue and was not used to refer to North Korea. 

    We need only to go back to the first Trump administration to see that Pyongyang is happy to halt and restart its delinquency if it does not get what it wants. In just one infamous example, in December 2019, Kim Jong-un decided to lift his moratoria on missile and nuclear tests and continue his quest for North Korea to be recognized as a nuclear-armed state.

    Lee Jae-myung has been said to lack any ideology, but what he has in abundance is the ability to be a political chameleon. His actual commitment to maintaining – let alone defending and bolstering – Seoul’s alliance with Washington remains to be seen. But what is clear is that he wants to differentiate himself from his conservative predecessor, Yoon Suk-yeol, under whom relations between Seoul, Tokyo and Washington developed positively. In yet another act of flattery to his US counterpart, Lee said that his decision to visit Japanese Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru prior to meeting Trump was to iron out the longstanding creases in Japan-South Korea relations. But creases can only be ironed out for so long before they reappear.

    Whether Trump’s stipulation of a willingness to meet Kim Jong-un later this year will be realized depends on North Korea. What Trump said of his relationship with Putin equally applies to Kim: “it takes two to tango.” 

    While North Korea has long viewed the United States as the principal actor from which it can gain concessions, the failure of the Hanoi Summit in February 2019 left a bitter taste in Kim’s mouth. Moreover, North Korea in 2019 is not the same as in 2025. For now, Pyongyang has Moscow’s unwavering support, and the North Korean regime has not been shy to argue that for all Trump and Kim’s bonhomie, inter-state ties during the first Trump administration failed to improve.

    Lee assured Trump that he believed Kim Jong-un would be waiting for the US President, but the key question is when this waiting will begin. As evidence emerges of another North Korean missile base near the country’s border with China, at a time when Pyongyang is likely receiving missile and military technology from Russia, South Korea and the United States must not abandon their goal of a denuclearized North Korea.

  • Will Venezuela crisis spill into conflict with US?

    Will Venezuela crisis spill into conflict with US?

    The authoritarian left wing regime of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro has mobilized his ruling Socialist party’s paramilitary militia in response to US President Donald Trump sending a task force of warships into Venezuelan waters as part of a US crackdown against alleged cocaine trafficking by the poverty-stricken country.

    Declaring that “no empire will touch the sacred soil of Venezuela “ Maduro sent his militia to reinforce the country’s borders with neighboring Colombia, who he has accused of collaborating with America in a pincer movement against his country.

    Trump has charged the Maduro regime with drugs trafficking on a massive scale, and the US Department of Justice has recently increased the reward it is offering for Maduro’s arrest and detention to $50 million, describing him as the “ world’s biggest narco trafficker”.

    Maduro, a former bus driver and Trade Union official, took over the Presidency in 2013 after the death from cancer of his charismatic but dictatorial predecessor Hugo Chávez. Together, the two men’s far left Socialist party has brought the oil rich but badly misgoverned state to its knees, a humanitarian crisis which has seen almost 8 million people flee the country for foreign destinations since 2014.

    That exodus represents a staggering one third of Venezuela’s total population of 29 million. The refugees have chiefly crossed the border into Colombia to escape hunger, unemployment, hyperinflation, and an acute shortage of basic food and goods: an economic and social catastrophe presided over by Maduro’s government which rules by dictatorial decrees rather than law.

    Only a year after taking office, Maduro used violence to put down widespread rioting by protesters against the economic chaos, and since then he has ruled by repression rather than consent. Only a year ago, Maduro “won” his third Presidential term in a contest widely condemned by international monitors and media as rigged. The opposition candidate, former diplomat Edmundo Gonzalez, fled to Spain in fear for his life after Maduro unilaterally declared himself the winner.

    The US and other western allies regard Maduro as an illicit dictator who only remains in power through a mix of cheating, corruption and repression, but although most members of the Middle class have long since left the country, Maduro still retains some residual support among the poorer masses.

    Thousands of such people lined up this week to register with the regime’s so-called Bolivaran militia, after Maduro charged Trump with interference in Venezuelan internal affairs and seeking regime change by sending in the naval task force.

    For his part, Trump is reacting against the double danger of desperate Venezuelan migrants flooding into the US, and the ravages caused by drugs made in Venezuela in US cities. As the US warships near the capital Caracas, this is clearly a crisis that could spill into violence.

  • Are the walls closing in on Emmanuel Macron?

    Are the walls closing in on Emmanuel Macron?

    French Prime Minister François Bayrou has recalled parliament for a confidence vote on September 9, betting he can outmaneuver a surging protest movement before it paralyzes France. The grassroots “Bloquons tout” campaign, echoing the gilets jaunes (“Yellow vests”) of 2018-19 and fueled by the hard left, plans to halt trains, buses, schools, taxis, refineries and ports. It is a general strike in all but name. Bayrou’s move aims to reassert control before chaos takes hold, but with the vote just two days before the open-ended strike begins, failure could topple his government and ignite a broader assault on President Macron’s authority. This morning, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s hard-left La France Insoumise (LFI) announced its plans to file a motion of destitution against Macron on September 23 if Bayrou falls, raising the stakes further.

    At the heart of this crisis is the economy. France’s debt has blown past 110 percent of GDP and the budget hole for 2025 stands at around $55 billion. Before the summer break, Bayrou proposed the deepest spending cuts in a generation, in a country where public spending accounts for nearly 60 percent of GDP. The unions are furious. The French are addicted to public spending and there’s a deep-seated mentality that the government owes people ever more. Mélenchon has turned the budget battle into a populist crusade against Macron’s “rich man’s government,” rallying the left and calling on supporters to shut the country down unless the cuts are scrapped. Gilets jaunes veterans have been readying to go back on the streets.

    Within minutes of the end of the press conference in Paris at which Bayrou announced the confidence vote, Marine Le Pen’s hard-right National Rally, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s LFI and others declared they would not support the government. It also appeared yesterday evening that the Socialists were leaning against Bayrou, an immediate slap in the face for him and indirectly for Macron. This morning, Mélenchon escalated the pressure, vowing to push for Macron’s impeachment on September 23 if the vote fails, blaming the president for the crisis rather than Bayrou.

    Bayrou’s move was designed to seize the initiative before the country slides into chaos, but the arithmetic is now completely against him. To survive, he needs 289 votes. His Macron-centrist alliance can deliver barely 165. The consensus yesterday evening among journalists and leading Paris-based analysts is that the government has almost no chance of surviving. Marine Le Pen’s National Rally was the only possible lifeline, and immediately after the announcement they made clear that they would not help Bayrou. A curt statement from the RN said it was “not inclined to support” the government. Bayrou and Macron’s gamble has almost certainly failed. It looks as though Macron and Bayrou completely miscalculated their move.

    Bayrou’s bold move was meant to buy Macron time. But it now threatens to blow up his presidency

    Le Pen no doubt very rapidly concluded that there is no need to save Macron’s prime minister to satisfy her own ambitions. Polls suggest she would emerge from early parliamentary elections as the largest force in the Assembly, even if personally she cannot run. Her party would still, however, fall short of a majority, making her refusal to back Bayrou cost-free and politically advantageous. If the government falls, Macron’s authority erodes further, and the RN’s narrative of “ordinary France versus Parisian elites” hardens. Mélenchon, meanwhile, is actively pushing for Bayrou’s downfall. LFI has seized control of the anti-austerity message and united Socialists, Greens and hard-left radicals behind him. For Mélenchon, an early election offers the chance to turn street anger into parliamentary power.

    Bayrou’s bold move was meant to buy Macron time. But it now threatens to blow up his presidency. If indeed Bayrou loses the confidence vote, Macron will face an impeachment process. He could try to appoint another sacrificial prime minister to preside over austerity and strikes, but no one credible will want the job. He could also call an early election, risking handing power to Mélenchon or leaving the country even more paralyzed. Or he could simply sit tight and let the blockades and market jitters spiral while he waits out the end of his term. If Bayrou falls, Macron may limp on in the Élysée, but the Fifth Republic itself risks a reckoning.

    As Bayrou battles parliament, the markets are signaling that France’s fiscal credibility hangs by a thread. Bond yields are creeping up. Somehow the ratings agencies haven’t yet let things slide. France has held on to its top-tier status long past the point of credibility. Perhaps this is only thanks to the assumption that the country, Europe’s second biggest economy, is too big to fail. But that indulgence has its limits. Come mid-September, when the numbers are on the table and the budget battle begins, a downgrade from the rating agencies seems inevitable. This will damage France and will certainly damage Europe. A downgrade would spike borrowing costs, potentially triggering a broader sell-off in European markets.

    For eight years, Macron’s political brand has rested on him outmaneuvering his opponents and keeping France just stable enough to get by. If the government loses this confidence vote, Macron’s authority breaks. He may cling on in the Élysée, but his presidency will be weakened beyond repair. France risks months of paralysis, street unrest and financial turmoil.

  • Will Virginia Giuffre sink Prince Andrew?

    There’s an old saying that revenge tastes best when served cold. The late Virginia Giuffre has gone a step further by serving up her final helping of vengeance against Prince Andrew by publishing her sure-to-be-revelatory memoir, Nobody’s Girl, from beyond the grave this October. Giuffre collaborated with the writer Amy Wallace on a 400-page book that is expected to divulge in no doubt excruciatingly painful and embarrassing detail, the various relationships that she had with the notorious likes of Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell and – of course! – the Duke of York himself.

    Announcing the book, her publisher Knopf claimed that it would offer “intimate, disturbing, and heartbreaking new details about her time with Epstein, Maxwell, and their many well-known friends, including Prince Andrew.” Although Giuffre died by suicide in Australia in April this year, at the age of 41, she sent Wallace an email expressing her wish that the book should be published in any event, saying that: “The content of this book is crucial, as it aims to shed light on the systemic failures that allow the trafficking of vulnerable individuals across borders. It is imperative that the truth is understood and that the issues surrounding this topic are addressed, both for the sake of justice and awareness.”

    Knopf supposedly paid millions of dollars for the memoir, matching the rumored multi-million pound settlement that Giuffre reached with Prince Andrew in 2022 out of court, which allowed him to avoid the potentially disastrous – and legally hazardous – prospect of testifying in court in the civil sexual assault case that she brought against him.

    It was widely speculated that Andrew was informed by his family (or, at least, his late mother) that if he was not entirely certain that the case would go in his favor that he would have to pay up, but that if he was not cleared in a public forum that he would no longer have a place in the royal family. This has largely proved to be the case ever since, and although the Duke occasionally appears, embarrassingly and briefly, at set-piece events such as Christmas get-togethers at the royal country retreat of Sandringham, he has effectively become a non-person.

    Will the book be great literature? That seems doubtful

    Although Andrew might wish that his withdrawal from public life is enough, that seems unlikely to be the case. The rumors surrounding his behavior with Giuffre (and others) are sufficiently widespread and persistent firstly for a recent biography of him, Entitled, to be a number one bestseller in the United Kingdom (although some critics, including me, found the book to be a relentless hit job that grew wearying long before the end) and now for the publication of Nobody’s Girl to be one of the biggest literary events of the year, perhaps even the decade.

    Will the book be great literature? That seems doubtful, but it will, without any doubt, be essential reading for anyone who is interested in the downfall of wealthy and powerful men. It’s not even impossible that it might have some light to shed on that most vexed and controversial of issues, namely whether her tormentor Jeffrey Epstein really did repent of his sins long enough to commit suicide, or whether someone else stepped in during one of the convenient periods that the prison CCTV cameras were turned off.

    In any case, Giuffre’s book will be unmissable proof that, even with its author no longer present to point the finger, she is still wholly capable of causing reputational damage to the great and the not-so-good. Many of those surviving may have breathed a sigh of relief at her death. This news has proved that such an exhalation would have been deeply premature.

  • Trump’s Squid Games with South Korean President

    Trump’s Squid Games with South Korean President

    “WHAT IS GOING ON IN SOUTH KOREA?” President Trump posted over breakfast. “Seems like a Purge or Revolution. We can’t have that and do business there. I am seeing the new President today at the White House. Thank you for your attention to this matter!!!”

    Trump wasn’t talking about the global box-office success of K-Pop Demon Hunters, and wasn’t warning about the proliferation of zombies on the Train to Busan. Instead, word had reached Trump of recent raids by the government of newly-elected liberal South Korean President Lee Jae-myung on some conservative churches, including the Unification Church. These were related to documents about the coup that embroiled the country last December and nearly toppled Lee’s newly-elected government.

    Trump was right to be concerned about this development, but wisely stayed out of domestic South Korean politics during his pleasant meeting with Lee in the White House this afternoon. They talked of trade deals, and how the US was ahead in them. But mostly, the meeting allowed Trump to adopt his favored posture in world affairs: Bringer of Peace.

    Earlier in the day, while signing an executive order that signals the beginning of the end of cashless bail, Trump had some things to say about the endless conflict over the Korean Peninsula. Of North Korean premier Kim Jong-un, Trump said, “I know him better than anybody. Maybe his sister. His sister knows him pretty well. And I liked him. I got along with him very well. I’m not supposed to say that because I’ll get killed in the fake news media, but I liked him. If Hillary Clinton had gotten elected, we would have had a nuclear war. Now we’re not going to have a nuclear war. If that happens, it’s over.”

    We thank you, President Trump, for preventing nuclear war in Asia. Lee took a similar tack, heaping praise upon a beaming Trump: “I would like to ask for your role in establishing peace on the Korean Peninsula,” he said, through a translator. “I look forward to your meeting with Kim Jung Un and the construction of a Trump Tower in North Korea and playing golf at that place. I believe he will be waiting for you… Engagement is not an easy thing. And the only person who can make progress on the issue is you Mr. President. If you become the Peacemaker, then I will assist you by becoming the Pacemaker.”

    Trump chuckled, beaming like a man gradually falling in love.

    “That’s good,” he said. “We can do big progress with North Korea.”

    A reporter asked, again, if Trump intended to meet with Kim Jong-Un. Trump, as he usually does, had a story to tell:

    “I’d like to have a meeting,” he said. “I get along great with him. You were there. We even had a press conference. Kim Jong-un had his first press conference. This was a little different press conference. I said, have you done a press conference before? No. And you know what, he did great. It was a great press conference. It was historic. I doubt he’s done one since. I said, would you like to meet the fake news? They came in, you’ve never seen anything like it. Then he said ENOUGH. And that was the end. It ended very rapidly. But I think he had a good time.”

    Did you remember, Trump said, when I went to North Korea? Some people in the room remembered. But Trump definitely remembered. “Remember when I went and walked across the line and everyone went crazy? Especially Secret Service. And I looked into those windows. And I saw more rifles pointed at me. There were a lot of rifles in that building. The two blue buildings on each side. The Secret Service was not happy with me. I walked up the middle and looked in that building and I saw more guns in that room than I’ve ever seen in my life. I looked at the other side and it was the same thing. And yet I felt safe because I have a very good relationship with Kim Jong-un.”

    Trump had managed to avoid the evil clicking eyes of the giant doll and made it to the other side of the arena. And now, with the good graces of President Lee (who appears to be a somewhat skilled diplomat), he has the green light to bring peace on Earth and goodwill to the Korean Peninsula.

    In the Squid Game of this life, there can only be one ultimate winner. And I think we all know who that winner is going to be: President Donald J. Trump. Peace will come, and the giant piggy bank will fill with money at last. Thank you for your attention to this matter!!!

  • I actually feel sorry for Prince Andrew

    I actually feel sorry for Prince Andrew

    “Many would have preferred this book not to be written, including the Yorks themselves.” So Andrew Lownie begins his coruscating examination of the lives of Prince Andrew and Sarah “Fergie” Ferguson, which has excited significant media attention due to its scandalous revelations. Lownie, a historian and literary agent, has pivoted away from an earlier, more conventional career as a biographer of John Buchan and Guy Burgess to the self-appointed role of royal botherer-in-chief. After earlier, similarly scabrous books about the Mountbattens and the Duke and Duchess of Windsor (formerly Edward VIII and his wife, Wallis Simpson), he now finds his first contemporary targets, and the results are predictably marmalade-dropping.

    Prince Andrew’s decline in public popularity over the past decade, exacerbated by stories of his ill-considered friendship with Jeffrey Epstein and rumors of the sexual abuse of the underage Virginia Giuffre, was capped by his disastrous 2019 interview with a disgusted-looking Emily Maitlis, a presenter on Britain’s Channel 4, in which he tried and failed to salvage his reputation with a series of bizarre admissions that made him look both stupid and sinister. Today, he has an uneasy relationship with members of the wider royal family, who would like to be shot of him but are reluctant to cast off one of their own; and suspicions persist that it will only take one more scandal for him to be banished to reputational Siberia.

    Entitled, then, is designed to serve two complementary but distinct purposes. It is the first serious attempt to deal with the life story of a grotesque man who was nicknamed “Baby Grumpling” shortly after his birth in 1960. He was his mother’s favorite child, but even she acknowledged that he was “not always a little ray of sunshine about the house.” The bullying, arrogant boy who would rhetorically ask his Gordonstoun contemporaries “You do know who I am?” would grow up a lonely, essentially friendless figure. Even the knowledge that “Randy Andy” was, in the words of one former lover, “a well-built gentleman” would eventually become his undoing. Lownie writes that Andrew reputedly slept with more than 1,000 women, of whom by far the most notorious (supposedly) was Giuffre, who eventually won an out-of-court settlement rumoured to have been around £10 million.

    But Entitled also aims to delve beneath the benignly useless exterior of Ferguson – described by one source as “all high jinks and jolly hockey sticks and practical jokes.” Lownie suggests she is rather a pitiful figure who has clung to her ex-husband’s coat-tails in an attempt to maintain her status and income alike. She has always suffered insecurity about her appearance and weight, but her financial illiteracy was such that a court case revealed: “Sarah had explained her actions by saying she was drunk, was trying to help a friend and in debt.” Perhaps only drink could account for the decision to write a series of lifestyle books entitled Madame Pantaloon.

    Lownie achieves the near impossible: one almost feels sorry for Prince Andrew

    Yet if Fergie comes across as an essentially comic character, the Duke of York is a villain. Lownie clearly loathes the man, who is depicted in the most unflattering light at virtually every turn. If one contemporary attempts to excuse the worst of his behaviour as being driven by shyness or a desire to help friends, another source, usually anonymous, will testify to his arrogance or snobbery or some other unpleasant trait. He gets some grudging credit for his courage during the Falklands War, in which he participated as a helicopter pilot; but it is made clear that the exaggerated reporting of his exploits was driven more by duty than genuine admiration. And by the time we are offered a minutely detailed account of his Epstein-triggered disgrace and downfall, Lownie achieves the near impossible: one almost feels sorry for Prince Andrew. 

    This is not a book that any of the royal family will enjoy reading. There are casually delivered revelations, such as Prince Philip (Elizabeth II’s consort) having had an adulterous affair with Ferguson’s mother Susan in the 1960s, that no other biographer has ever made public. And there is a discussion of Andrew and Harry having a fight in 2013, following which Harry allegedly told William how much he hated his uncle Andrew. Lownie concludes cheerily: “It is ironic that the Duke and Duchess of York, ostensibly the strongest defenders of the monarchy, may through their behavior between them have done most to hasten its demise.” It is hard not to believe that the author would relish such a downfall.

    One cannot help wondering whether Entitled, which combines high-minded contempt and bitchy gossip in readable but seldom inspired prose, is the precursor to another, yet more scandalous account by Lownie of the younger members of the royal family, specifically Harry and Meghan. Perhaps it will be called Dumb and Dumber. In any case, this is a fascinating if oddly joyless book that will no doubt sell in huge quantities. But be prepared to feel queasy after this wallow in the dark side of noblesse oblige.